scholarly journals Memoria y apropiación del pasado: una interpretación de la lucha en Oaxaca, México

2019 ◽  
pp. 375-411
Author(s):  
Eduardo Carlos Bautista Martínez ◽  
Iván Israel Juárez López

La dificultad teórico-metodológica del artículo se sintetiza en las siguientes interrogantes: ¿Cómo abordar luchas que tienen expresiones en la memoria colectiva e imaginarios populares? ¿Es posible la comprensión de estas luchas bajo los marcos analíticos de la acción colectiva y los movimientos sociales? ¿En qué términos puede justificarse esta relación? Y, si no es así, ¿qué otras propuestas teórico-metodológicas resultan útiles para comprender las luchas que buscan recuperar y apropiarse del pasado? Nuestro supuesto es que las luchas con expresiones en los imaginarios populares y la memoria colectiva están negadas en los rasgos visibles e inmediatos de la acción colectiva y los movimientos sociales que responden más bien a programas racionales y jerárquicos. El objetivo de este artículo es desarrollar una propuesta teórico-metodológica que dé lugar a la comprensión de aquellas luchas ancladas en la vida local y que también nos permita recuperar los rasgos y cualidades negados en los marcos analíticos predominantes. Para sustentar estos argumentos, se retoma la experiencia de activistas que irrumpieron en los acontecimientos en Oaxaca, entidad del sureste mexicano, a partir del año 2006. Abstract: The theoretical-methodological difficulty of the article is summarized in the following questions: How to address the struggles that have expressions in collective memory and popular imaginary? Is it possible to understand these struggles under the analytical frameworks of collective action and social movements? In what terms can this relationship be justified? And if not, what other theoretical-methodological proposals are useful to understand the struggles that seek to recover and appropriate the past? Our assumption is that struggles with expressions in the collective memory and the popular imaginary are denied in the visible and immediate characteristics of collective action and social movements that respond rather to rational and hierarchical programs. Therefore, the objective of this article is to develop a theoretical-methodological proposal that allows the understanding of these struggles anchored in local life and at the same time allows recovering the aspects that have been denied by the dominant analytical frameworks. To support these arguments, let’s recover the experience of the activists who broke into the events that took place in 2006 in Oaxaca, an entity located in southern Mexico. Keywords: sociology, social movements, memory, struggle, antagonism, Oaxaca, Mexico.

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 671-684 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raluca Abăseacă

Social movements are not completely spontaneous. On the contrary, they depend on past events and experiences and are rooted in specific contexts. By focusing on three case studies – the student mobilizations of 2011 and 2013, the anti-government mobilizations of 2012, and the protests against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation project of 2013 – this article aims to investigate the role of collective memory in post-2011 movements in Romania. The legacy of the past is reflected not only in a return to the symbols and frames of the anti-Communist mobilizations of 1989 and 1990, but also in the difficulties of the protesters to delimit themselves from nationalist actors, to develop global claims, and to target austerity and neoliberalism. Therefore, even in difficult economic conditions, Romanian movements found it hard to align their efforts with those of the Indignados/Occupy movements. More generally, the case of Romania proves that activism remains rooted in the local and national context, reflecting the memories, experiences, and fears of the mobilized actors, in spite of the spread of a repertoire of action from Western and southern Europe.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Forno ◽  
Paolo R Graziano

In the current economic crisis, social movements are simultaneously facing two types of challenges: first, they are confronting institutions which are less able (or willing) to mediate new demands for social justice and equity emerging from various sectors of society, and second, given the highly individualised structure of contemporary society, they are also experiencing difficulties in building bonds of solidarity and cooperation among people, bonds which are a fundamental resource for collective action. It is in this context that protests waves, which may be very relevant, are in fact often short-lived, and it is in this context that we detect the rise and consolidation of new mutualistic and cooperative experiences within which (similarly to the past) new ties and frames for collective action are created. This article discusses and analyses social movement organisations which focus on both the intensification of economic problems and the difficulties of rebuilding social bonds and solidarity within society, emphasising solidarity and the use of ‘alternative’ forms of consumption as means to re-embed the economic system within social relations, starting from the local level. While discussing what is new and/or what has been renewed in new Sustainable Community Movement Organisations, the article will develop an analytical framework which will combine social movements and political consumerism theories by focusing on two basic dimensions: consumer culture and identity and organisational resources and repertoire of action.


Author(s):  
Javier Ortega Fernández

Los movimientos sociales de base asamblearia promueven, en muchas ocasiones, la defensa y aplicación de procesos participativos. Esta correlación también se ha incorporado al estudio de los movimientos sociales, concretamente al campo de la investigación comprometida con las transformaciones sociales. Términos epistemológicos como «conocimiento situado» (Haraway, 1995) han motivado a que desde la Investigación Militante se cuestione el mantra de la objetividad científica y, de este modo, se articulen metodologías junto y con los movimientos sociales. El presente artículo pretende seguir dicho paradigma, enmarcándose en un trabajo etnográfico sobre el movimiento antidesahucios (España). Nos haremos valer de reflexiones aplicadas en relación a la polémica triangulación militancia-academia-investigación. Entre otras cuestiones nos preguntamos: ¿es suficiente una etnografía implicada con la acción colectiva para generar un espacio de sinergia entre el conocimiento académico y los movimientos sociales?, ¿a qué limitaciones nos enfrentamos? En esta línea se realiza un ejercicio retrospectivo y (auto)crítico a partir de diferentes experiencias que tuvieron lugar durante el desarrollo del trabajo de campo. En consecuencia, se concluye que no es suficiente con la predisposición y la voluntad de generar un proyecto de investigación militante, tenemos la responsabilidad de revelar los sesgos academicistas que debilitan la articulación de prácticas epistemológicas implicadas con la acción colectiva.The social movements assembly usually promote the defence and application of participatory processes. This correlation has also been incorporated to the study of social movements, specifically to the field of research that is committed to social transformations. Epistemological terms like «Situated Knowledges » (Haraway, 1991) have motivated the Militant Research to discuss scientific objectivity. And thanks to this, they have articulated methodologies together and with the social movements. This article pretends to follow such an above mentioned paradigm within an ethnographic work on the evictions movement in Spain. We will use theoretical reflections applied all in relation to the controversial triangulation: militancy-academy-investigation. Among other questions we ask ourselves: Do we have enough with an ethnography involved with the collective action to generate a space of synergy among the academic knowledge and the social movements?, which limitations are we facing? Following this, a retrospective and critical exercise is made from different experiences which took place during the development of the work of field. In consequence, we conclude by saying that it is not enough with the predisposition and the will to generate a project of Militant Research, we should also have the responsibility to reveal those academic bias that weaken the articulation of epistemological practices involved with the collective action.


Author(s):  
Luis Carlos Castro Riaño

En este artículo se propone una explicación factible de los movimientos sociales contemporáneos, considerando la acción colectiva feminista del caso argentino “Ni Una Menos” y cuatro componentes visibles en ella: el estructural, el político, el estratégico y el cultural. Para ello, se incorpora perspectivas de diferentes teorías sobre la movilización social; se revisa los postulados centrales del feminismo materialista francés, la teoría queer y el feminismo decolonial, y se reflexiona sobre las estrategias de la movilización, los repertorios de acción y los marcos de la movilización, con énfasis en las gramáticas de la vida pública implementadas en tales marcos. El texto tiene el objetivo de reforzar el vínculo entre la comprensión y la práctica de la protesta social.Palabras clave: Movimientos sociales, Acción colectiva, Esquemas de interpretación, Gramáticas de la vida pública  Feminist collective action. From the class struggle to the gender struggle? The case Ni una menosSummaryIn this article a feasible explanation of contemporary social movements is proposed, considering the feminist collective action of the Argentine case "Ni Una Menos" and four visible components in it: the structural, the political, the strategic and the cultural. For this, perspectives of different theories on social mobilization are incorporated; the central postulates of French materialist feminism, the queer theory and decolonial feminism are reviewed, and the strategies of mobilization, action repertoires and mobilization frameworks are explored, with emphasis on the grammars of public life implemented in such frames. The text aims to strengthen the link between understanding and the practice of social protest.Keywords: Social movements, Collective action, Schemes of interpretation, Grammar of public life. L’action collective féministe. De la lutte des classes à la lutte des genres? Le cas de Ni una Menos RésuméDans cet article, nous proposons une explication viable des mouvements sociaux contemporains, en considérant l’action collective féministe du cas argentin “Ni una menos” et quatre composants visibles en elle: le structurel, le politique, le stratégique et le culturel. Pour cela, nous incorporons les perspectives de différentes théories sur la mobilisation sociale; nous révisons les postulats centraux du féminisme matérialiste français, la théorie queer et le féminisme décolonial et nous réfléchissons sur les stratégies de mobilisation, les registres d’action et les cadres de la mobilisation, avec une emphase sur les grammaires de la vie publique mises en œuvre dans ces cadres. Le texte a pour objectif de renforcer le lien entre la compréhension et la pratique de la protestation sociale.Mots-clés: Mouvements sociaux, Action collective, Schémas d’interprétation, Grammaires de la vie publique


2020 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2097500
Author(s):  
Olof Ohlson

Mexico’s contentious necropolitics see different stakeholders involved in political struggles for control over the dead. The families of victims of state and corporate violence protest state necrogovernance and corporate necropower, the power to dictate the circumstances of citizens’ and workers’ lives and deaths. Two case studies show how the state and corporations deploy the criminal technique of disappearing bodies as a means of social control and rendering workers expendable and sometimes killable. Social movements counter this with a determined struggle to restore a sense of worth to the victims of violence through public mourning. Their repertoire of collective action has created a subversive necropower that challenges both necrogovernance and corporate necropower. La contenciosa necropolítica de México involucra a distintos grupos de interés que participan en la contienda política por el control de los muertos. Las familias de las víctimas de la violencia de Estado y corporativa protestan contra la necrogobernanza estatal y la necropotencia corporativa, y du poder de dictaminar las circunstancias de vida y muerte de los ciudadanos y trabajadores. Dos estudios de caso muestran cómo el Estado y las corporaciones despliegan la técnica criminal de desaparecer los cuerpos como un medio de control social que hace a los trabajadores prescindibles y a veces matables. Los movimientos sociales responden con una lucha decidida por restaurar un sentido de valor para las víctimas de la violencia a través del duelo público. Su repertorio de acción colectiva ha creado una necropotencia subversiva que desafía tanto a la necrogobernanza como a la necropotencia corporativa.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 124-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Mendoza García

A silenced and forgotten period of the Mexican past is that of the dirty war unleashed by the state against social movements in the second half of the twentieth century, especially the guerrillas and suspected guerrillas of the 1960s and 1970s. The dirty war is an unresolved issue in terms of memory, acknowledgment, and justice for those who suffered violence at the hands of those in power. An account of part of this period that reconstructs the ideologization, clandestine detention, and torture suffered by victims of this dirty war from the perspective of collective memory contributes to filling the gap in knowledge about this period. La guerra sucia desatada por el estado mexicano en contra de los movimientos sociales en la segunda mitad del siglo XX (especialmente en contra de las guerrillas y las supuestas guerrillas de los años 60 y 70) es un periodo silenciado y olvidado del pasado mexicano. Esta guerra sucia es un asunto pendiente en términos de memoria, reconocimiento y justicia para aquellos que sufrieron la violencia a manos del poder establecido. Un relato de una parte de este período que desde la perspectiva de la memoria colectiva reconstruya la ideologización, la detención clandestina y la tortura que sufrieron las víctimas de la guerra sucia servirá para llenar las lagunas en el conocimiento sobre este período.


Author(s):  
Lucas Henrique Pinto

El trabajo aborda el tema de la acción colectiva internacional desde el ascenso de las organizaciones del llamado tercer sector, hasta el (re)surgimiento de movimientos campesinos contrahegemónicos, que internacionalizan y ambientalizan su lucha a partir de la agroecología y los debates de la soberanía alimentaria y justicia ambiental. Estos debates serán ejemplificados a partir de tres organizaciones campesinas de Brasil, México y Argentina. Las mismas expresan los procesos de territorialización campesina y sus dinámicas en los tres países, además de un complejo acercamiento a las temáticas ambientales que propone un quiebre normativo en relación a la actuación de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONGs), fundaciones y organizaciones ambientalistas tradicionales. Si bien las organizaciones que buscaremos caracterizar en clave comparativa sean organizaciones novedosas en relación al movimiento campesino clásico, por adentrarse en problemáticas contemporáneas como la cuestión ambiental, democracia interna y la soberanía alimentaria; resignificando y ambientalizando a la cuestión agraria contemporánea; las mismas cuestionan al capitalismo y rescatan críticamente las experiencias de los movimientos sociales y sindical que las precedieron. Luego, las organizaciones campesinas estudiadas afirman en su existencia y base social algunas características que la Escuela de los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales tiende a negar frente su interpretación analítica de la acción colectiva internacional en la globalización y los sujetos sociales (tercer sector) que la misma privilegia en sus análisis. Abstract This research approaches the issue of the international collective action, from the rise of the third sector organizations to the resurgence of counter-hegemonic peasant movements that internationalize and “environmentalize” their struggle from the discussions of agroecology, food sovereignty and environmental justice. These discussions will be exemplified by three peasant organizations in Brazil, México and Argentina. The organizations above mentioned express the processes of peasant territorialization and their dynamics in the three countries, in addition to a complex approach to the environmental issues that proposes a normative break related to the actions of the traditional environmental NGO´s, foundations and organizations. The organizations that we characterize in comparative terms are innovatory in relation to the classic peasant movement, because they move further into contemporary issues such as environmental questions, internal democracy and food sovereignty; resignifying and “environmentalizing” the contemporary agrarian question. Also, these organizations confront capitalism and rescue, from a critical perspective, the experiences of the social and trade union movements that preceded them. Then, the peasant organizations studied in this work affirm in their existence and social base some characteristics that the School of New Social Movements tends to deny in its analytical interpretation of the international collective action in globalization and social subjects (third sector) that this School privileges in their analyzes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisa von Bülow

This article contributes to the literature on social movements and on transnational collective action by analyzing the roles of brokers in processes of coalition building. Brokerage is defined as bridging initiatives that link actors that are separated by geographical distance, lack of trust, lack of resources, or because they are unaware of each others' existence. This study is based on network data and qualitative research about networks of challengers of trade agreements in the Americas in the past two decades. Findings suggest there are different types of mediating roles and tasks that specific actors are expected to play in enduring coalitions. The experiences of Mexican and Brazilian brokers show that the roles of translators and coordinators are more easily accomplished and sustained through time than the roles of articulators and representatives. Paradoxically, it is when mediating skills are most needed that they seem to be hardest to accomplish.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 88-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camila Jara Ibarra

The return of democracy in Chile was characterized by the fragmentation, weakening, and crisis of social movements, which were barely present in decision making and defining the national political agenda in the postdictatorship period. Of the multiple factors that contributed to this demobilization, an important one was the influence of the collective trauma inherited from previous decades. In time, however, posttraumatic memory contributed to the generation of new identities and inputs for the collective action of the 2011 protest cycle.El retorno a la democracia en Chile se caracterizó por la fragmentación, debilitamiento y crisis de los movimientos sociales, con una escasa presencia de éstos en la toma de decisiones y en la definición de la agenda política nacional en la fase post-dictatorial. De los factores multiples que contribuyeron a dar forma a esta desmovilización, un factor importante era la influencia del post-trauma colectivo heredado de las décadas precedentes. Con el tiempo, esta memoria post-traumática permite la (re)generación de nuevas identidades e ideas-fuerza para la acción colectiva del ciclo de protestas 2011.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ala Al-Hamarneh

At least 50 per cent of the population of Jordan is of Palestinian origin. Some 20 per cent of the registered refugees live in ten internationally organized camps, and another 20 per cent in four locally organized camps and numerous informal camps. The camps organized by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) play a major role in keeping Palestinian identity alive. That identity reflects the refugees' rich cultural traditions, political activities, as well as their collective memory, and the distinct character of each camp. Over the past two decades integration of the refugees within Jordanian society has increased. This paper analyses the transformation of the identity of the camp dwellers, as well as their spatial integration in Jordan, and other historical and contemporary factors contributing to this transformation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document