Conclusion

Bad Faith ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Andrew Feffer

This chapter summarizes the implications of the Coudert probe for the history of McCarthyism, its relationship to the liberal political tradition, the damage wrought to civil liberties and, its impact on American democracy.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332098421
Author(s):  
Sam Whitt

This study considers how ethnic trust and minority status can impact the ability of ethnic groups to pursue cooperative public goods, focusing on groups with a history of conflict and lingering hostility. A public good experiment between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in postwar Kosovo reveals that subjects contribute far more to a mutually beneficial public good when they are part of an experimentally induced coethnic majority. However, when in the minority, subjects not only underinvest, but many actively divest entirely, privatizing the public good. Majority/minority status also has wide-ranging implications for how individuals relate to real-world public goods and the institutions of government that provide them. Compared to majority Albanians, survey data indicate how minority Serbs in Kosovo express greater safety and security concerns, feel more politically, socially, and economically excluded, are more dissatisfied with civil liberties and human rights protections, and are less likely to participate politically or pay taxes to support public goods. Conflict-related victimization and distrust of out-groups are strong predictors of these minority group attitudes and behaviors. This suggests a mechanism for how conflict amplifies out-group distrust, increasing parochial bias in public good commitments, especially among minorities who are wary of exploitation at the hands of an out-group majority. To restore trust, this study finds that institutional trust and intergroup contact are important to bridging ethnic divides that inhibit public good cooperation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-84
Author(s):  
Walter Nicgorski

AbstractThis essay treats the inspiration and nature of Yves Simon's philosophical life. His embrace of that life was importantly shaped by his engagement with the republican tradition in France, his passionate opposition to the fascist threat to France, and his later attachment to the aspirations of American democracy. However, his early philosophical interests took direction and inspiration from his encounter with Jacques Maritain who drew him to Thomism. His devotion to the truth was fierce, and he confronted honestly the threats to this defining quality of philosophical life from the pressures of social conformity and from the discouragement of seeing the inadequacies and disagreements in the history of philosophy. He came, as especially evident in his most influential book, Philosophy of Democratic Government, to esteem highly the virtue of prudence, seeking to protect it from both philosophy and social science.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1099-1112
Author(s):  
Mehrdad Soleiman Fallah ◽  
Abdolvahid Zahedi

Purpose: This study aims to analyze political crime in the Iranian penal system and the place of civil, constitutional freedoms in the criminalization of political crime. Methodology: In this study, we have tried to study articles and related research in this field and analyze the results of each to make a proper conclusion about the relationship between the Iranian systems in dealing with political crimes. Therefore, the only tools used in this study are documents related to political crimes at the international level. Main findings: Political Crime Law enacted in 2016, despite the basic forms of extensive discretion and lack of specific criteria for the judicial authority in determining whether a crime is political or non-political, practically made this law ineffective, regardless of the problems mentioned. Application of the study: Since the commencement of the country, political wrongdoing has been viewed as wrongdoing against the public authority. Therefore, the results of this study can be very effective in improving the performance of governments in preventing possible crimes against governments. Novelty/Originality: Given the multiplicity of political crimes in our country, as well as the complexities involved in the case of political crimes, it seems that in the history of our criminal law, there has been a will to legislate and determine the exact causes of political crime, and governments in most historical periods, they have made great efforts to identify political criminals. The novelty of this research lies in investigating the effect of political crimes on legal confusion in legislating political offenses.


2018 ◽  
pp. 005-083

Abstract.-The paper seeks to raise awareness of the sheer expansive force of capitalism, a social fact that has completely transformed Western societies in the last 600 years. Although the text draws on the simplest and most sound categories of Marx’s labour theory of value, its focus is to show the power and political relationships that take place within enterprises –a new servitude. Our analytical method, as well as its empirical validation, builds on Durkheim’s concept of ‘reaction of punishment’. The paper also explores the historical and structural relations between the advanced sociability of our middle classes and their government by representative assemblies elected by them. For this purpose, we draw on the history of English parliamentarianism, from its social origins in the Normand invasion (1066), to its historical eclosion in the North American democracy (1787). Our interpretation is sociological, seeking the meaning of those exceptional historical transformations, and finding it –paradoxically-in the contrast between the ideal types of Community and Association established by German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies. The text also analyses how individualism is originated in capitalist competition, and finishes by pointing out from where(within the social structure) such ideology is propagated as the only one that should shape our behaviour. Keywords:surplus value.-invisible hand.-English exceptionalism.-Ferdinand Tönnies.-empirical measurement.-Spencer-Brown Una aproximación sociológica a algunos temas clásicos de La Economía Política Inglesa Resumen.-El texto pretende hacernos conscientes de la tremenda fuerza expansiva del capitalismo, un hecho social que ha transformado por completo a las sociedades occidentales en los últimos 600 años. Utiliza las categorías más sencillas y consolidadas de la teoría del valor-trabajo de Marx, pero su objetivo es mostrar a las relaciones que tienen lugar en el interior de las empresas como relaciones de poder, como relaciones políticas, una nueva servidumbre. Para ello el método de análisis que aplicamos es muy próximo al concepto de ‘reacción penal’ de Durkheim - incluso en la propuesta que hacemos para su validación empírica. El estudio se pregunta además por las relaciones históricas y estructurales entre la sociabilidad avanzada de nuestras clases medias y su gobierno por asambleas representativas, que ellas mismas eligen. Para ello recurrimos a la historia del parlamentarismo inglés, desde sus lejanos orígenes sociales, que encontramos en la Invasión Normanda de la isla (1066), hasta su cabal eclosión histórica en la democracia norteamericana (1787). Pero nuestra interpretación es sociológica, busca el sentido de esas transformaciones históricas excepcionales, y lo halla (paradójicamente) en el contraste entre los tipos-ideales de Comunidad y Asociación establecidos en su día por el sociólogo alemán Ferdinand Tönnies.A lo largo del texto analizamos también cómose origina el individualismo en la competición capitalista, y finaliza señalando desde dónde (en el interior de la estructura social) se propaga dicha ideología, como la única considerada de recibo para orientar nuestro comportamiento. Palabras clave:plusvalía.-mano invisible.-excepcionalismo inglés.-F. Tönnies.-medición empírica.-Spencer-Brown


2021 ◽  
pp. 88-108
Author(s):  
Marie Brossier

Senegal has a history of representative politics dating from the nineteenth century, and has experienced political stability since independence in 1960. Progressive political liberalization since the 1980s has occurred without coups or national conferences, making the country an outlier in the region. However, despite two peaceful transitions of power in 2000 and 2012, Senegal’s politics have also been continuously marred by autocratic behavior and periodic limitations on civil liberties. As such, Senegal remains a “patrimonial democracy.” The country’s social and generational inequalities have been exacerbated by mismanagement of resource reallocation by the state, as well as by its dependence on international aid and remittances. The worrisome socioeconomic situation has sparked migration but also bolstered the engagement of younger generations, with social movements increasingly active in the public arena and more women participating in politics. In addition, religious diversification and greater religious pluralism have increasingly challenged the historically central role of Islam, and especially the Sufi orders, in politics.


Author(s):  
Axel Körner

This chapter examines how protagonists of the Italian revolutions of 1848, including Giuseppe Montanelli and Carlo Cattaneo, engaged with American political institutions by looking at the cases of Lombardy, Tuscany, and Sicily. Before discussing the role played by the United States of America in Italian political thought of 1848, the chapter considers Italian experience of the revolutions of 1820–1821 and 1830–1831, both of which marked a watershed for the peninsula's national movement. It shows that Italian revolutionaries addressed the United States with very different emphasis, illustrating how references to the United States could serve very different ideological purposes. With respect to Tuscany's long history of engagement with the United States, there were far fewer references to American political institutions than for instance in Sicily, where the revolutionaries adopted a monarchical constitution. The chapter also analyzes Cattaneo's involvement in the Revolution in Lombardy and his understanding of American democracy.


Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers

This introduction reframes the history of the U.S. Supreme Court decision Hague v. CIO (1939) that guaranteed speech and assembly rights in public municipal forums under federal law for the first time. It lifts the story out of standard treatment as a product of police repression of labor organizers by city boss Frank Hague, exploring instead the case’s broader roots in multiple changes in city governance, policing, the labor movement, civil liberties law, and anticommunism and antifascism politics of the late New Deal era. It urges examination of all sides of the controversy, winners and losers, scrutinizing evidence beyond antiboss sources, including varied newspapers, municipal reports, trial transcripts, labor archives, and federal court records. It views the case as part of a constitutional watershed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Hillary Lazar

From January 1933 through April 1940, Man! A Journal of the Anarchist Ideal and Movement served as the central connector for a transnational anarchist network that extended across multiple continents from North America to Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. As the main organ of the “International Group”—an organization with chapters throughout the United States—Man! also linked radical immigrant communities throughout America. In addition to demonstrating the importance of print publications as an avenue for transatlantic and inter-ethnic connection, the story of Man! provides a lesser-known, early example of an international solidarity movement and critical window into political repression. With help from the American Civil Liberties Union, the several-year governmental effort to suppress the journal and deport its editors Vincent Ferrero and Domenic Sallitto as well as their colleague, Marcus Graham, became an international cause célèbre that sparked an international defense movement. Recounting the history of Man! and the International Group helps to bring this moment in transnational anarchist resistance to light, while elucidating the ways in which xenophobia-driven immigration policy can serve as a means for State-based suppression of political dissent.


1958 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 668
Author(s):  
Koppel S. Pinson ◽  
Leonard Krieger

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