scholarly journals Still Unrecognized State “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” in the Context of the Cyprus Negotiations: Status of the TRNC’ Court Decisions

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ayhan Dolunay ◽  
Fevzi Kasap

The issue of the recognition of the TRNC brings specific constraints because of the influence of the Cyprus peace talks, which have been ongoing for 50 years. After the new era started in 2014, the TRNC authorities’ efforts to reach an agreement and their struggle to make the TRNC recognized have been obstructed by barriers placed by the southern Cyprus administration. Each of the sides in the peace talks approaches each other’s demands positively or negatively. One of the other important problems is whether the decisions given by the TRNC Courts would create an effect like the court decisions given by the courts of any recognized states or not. In order for the court decisions of the TRNC judiciary to have the necessary effects, the TRNC must become effectively an equal on the negotiation table and a directly recognized state. Turkey has enabled the TRNC judiciary decisions to have an effect in Turkey by signing protocols with the TRNC, but what is the status of related court decisions in other countries? In this framework, this study aims to analyse the court decisions in other unrecognized states via the document analysis method. According to the findings, the TRNC’s judiciary decisions can have an effect in other countries. Additionally, the TRNC is a recognized state at least in a limited (indirect) manner and has political equality, but this needs to be improved further via direct recognition.

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Kenan Ozberk ◽  
Gulsun Atanur Baskan

The purpose of this study is to compare and contrast the procedure of choosing and appointment of school leaders in the United States of America and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and make suggestions regarding the procedures to be followed in TRNC. In the data collection process, the qualitative research method document analysis was used. Dissertations, scientific articles, laws, regulations and websites were searched to collect the data. The training, selection and appointment of school leaders in the United States of America, which has a deep-rooted past regarding the training of school leaders’ and the procedures followed by the TRNC regarding the appointment of school leaders were studied. The procedures followed by the two countries were compared and the dissimilarities were detected. Suggestions were made to the Ministry of Education and Culture of the TRNC for the changes to be made in the appointment of school leaders. Keywords: School, school leader, the United States of America, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, document analysis.  


2022 ◽  
pp. 34-55
Author(s):  
Dilan Ciftci

In the study, the archive database of the e-government portal web page of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which creates a very large archive database in the field of digital citizenship, was examined. Due to the limit of research conducted through the database of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus e-government portal web page in the field of digital citizenship, the study will contribute to the literature. The e-government portal, which can be considered the largest and most inclusive database within the scope of e-government in Northern Cyprus, was selected using the purposive sample technique for official web page purposes. In this study, which is thought to lead to new researches and discussions on digital citizenship and e-government applications, descriptive analyses were revealed as quantitative and qualitative data, and content analysis was applied using document analysis technique from qualitative research methods data collection tools.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-148
Author(s):  
Mehmet Direkli

A new leading actor has been added to the Cyprus Conflict. The winner of the Presidential elections held on the morning of Sunday, 26 April 2015, in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti – TRNC) was the independent candidate Mustafa Akıncı. Both Nicos Anastasiades, who was elected President of the Republic of Cyprus in 2013, and Akıncı are rare leaders supporting the Fifth Annan Plan, which was rejected in a referendum by the Greek Cypriots in 2004. One of the most vital catalysts that could play a role in the resolution of the Cyprus Conflict is a charismatic leader who aims for the resolution of the conflict. Whether the current Presidents have this personality and can change the current balances that are monopolized by the conservatives-nationalists on the Island will be revealed as a result of the negotiations. This article briefly tackles the UN parameters relative to the Cyprus Conflict and addresses the problems awaiting Presidents Anastasiades and Akıncı during the peace negotiations that have started anew.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Widodo Dwi Putro ◽  
Ahmad Zuhairi

ABSTRAKSengketa jual beli tanah dalam perkara ini menyeret pihak penjual yang telah menjual objek yang sama kepada dua pembeli dalam dua kali transaksi. Pembeli kedua (penggugat) melayangkan gugatannya terhadap pembeli pertama (tergugat II). Posisi hukumnya dilematis. Kedua pembeli sama-sama merasa mempunyai hak atas tanah sengketa karena telah membeli objek yang sama dari penjual. Untuk membuktikan siapa pembeli yang berhak, hakim perlu mempertimbangkan asas "iktikad baik" (good faith), sebagai dasar untuk menentukan pembeli yang patut mendapat perlindungan hukum. Permasalahannya, kedua pembeli sama-sama mengklaim dirinya adalah pembeli yang beriktikad baik. Sehingga, untuk menilai siapa pembeli yang patut mendapat perlindungan hukum, hakim berpegangan pada prinsip duty of care, dengan mempertimbangkan siapa pembeli yang berhati-hati dan cermat memeriksa data yuridis dan data fisik sebelum dan saat jual beli dilakukan. Prinsip duty of care ini bersifat abstrak, maka metode penulisan yang digunakan, menelusuri dan mengkaji pendapat para ahli hukum perdata dan agraria untuk didialogkan dengan putusan-putusan hakim. Perkembangan putusan-putusan pengadilan mengenai pembeli beriktikad baik yang mengadopsi prinsip duty of care, seharusnya menjadi 'pegangan' para hakim dalam menangani kasus yang serupa, untuk menilai kapan pembeli dikategorikan sebagai pembeli beriktikad baik.Kata kunci: iktikad baik, perlindungan hukum, duty of care, data yuridis dan fisik.ABSTRACTThe dispute of land sale and purchase in this case drag the seller who had sold the same object to two buyers in two transactions. The second buyer (plaintiff) filed a lawsuit against the first buyer (defendant II). Its legal standing created a dilemma. Both buyers felt equally entitled to be the owner of the disputed land, which is the same object purchased from the seller. In providing evidence of the most eligible buyer, the judge should take into consideration the principle of "good faith" as the basis for determining the buyer deserving legal protection. The problem is that both buyers claimed that they were buyers of good faith. Therefore, to appraise which buyer deserving the legal protection, the judges adhered to principle of "duty of care" by taking into account which one of them was carefully and meticulously reading-through the juridical and physical data prior to and during the sale and purchase of the land was conducted. Given the abstract nature of the principle of "duty of care" the analysis method used in this discussion is exploring and studying the opinions of the experts of civil and agrarian law as to be juxtaposed with the decisions of the judges. The development of court decisions related to the issue of good faith buyers adopting the principle of "duty of care" should serve as a reference for the judges in handling similar cases to determine a good faith buyer.Keywords: good faith, legal protection, duty of care, juridical and physical data.


1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52
Author(s):  
Mahmud A. Faksh

I.Since the end of World War 11, approximately eighty new states havebeen established. Only two, Pakistan and Cyprus, have undergone theagony of dismemberment when Bangladesh broke off in 1973 and theTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was declared in 1983. The worldmay now be witnessing the possible breakup of yet a third state:Lebanon, whose disintegration has been accelerated since the June 1982Israeli invasion.Shortly after the invasion began, Henry Kissinger assessed itsconsequence for Lebanon’s future, concluding, “It is neither desirablenor possible to return to the status quo ante in Lebanon.” One possibleoutcome was that some Syrian and Israeli forces would remain in thenorthern and southern ends, respectively, and the central government’sauthority would ostensibly cover the rest of the country. Implicit in theKissinger diagnosis is the possibility of eventual partition.Though the gloomy assessment by the “wizard” of US. foreign policyshould by no means be construed as a portent of an official shift awayfrom the publicly stated US. support of “Lebanon’s sovereignty andterritorial integrity,” a shadow was cast on the country’s prospects.Subsequent developments have seemed to indicate that Lebanon’sdemise looms larger than at any time since the beginning of the civil warin 1975-76.For over a year and a half national fragmentation has proceededinexorably. What many people once could imagine only with difficulty,they now acknowledge: in reality, Lebanon is facing possible death. TheSouth (35 percent of the land area) is occupied by Israel; the North andthe Biqa’ (45 percent) are controlled by Syria; Kasrawan (15 percent) iscontrolled by the Christian Maronite forces (the Lebanese Front forces),which are not subject to the government’s authority. The rest of thecountry-beleaguered Beirut and environs-was until the February1984 breakdown under the government’s shaky control supported bysymbolic US., French, Italian, and British units. The Multi-NationalForce (MNF) was subject to increasing attacks by Muslim leftist factions,as witnessed in the October 23 bombing of the quarters of U.S.Marines and French troops. Thus, instead of keeping peace, the MNFbecame ,a partisan force trying to protect itself. The US. and Frenchforces in particular seemed to have outlived their usefulness as“peacekeepers.” Recurrent fighting in southern Beirut and in theadjacent Chouf mountains, that pitted Christian Maronites and armyunits against Shi‘ite and Druse Muslims constantly threatened theexistence of President Amin Gemayel’s government and consequently arenewal of the civil war. This situation culminated in February 1984 inthe resignation of the Shafiq al-Wazzan’s cabinet, the loss ofgovernment’s control of West Beirut to Muslim-leftist militias, and theimminent collapse of Amin Gemayel’s presidency ...


Author(s):  
Simon A. Waldman ◽  
Emre Caliskan

After another election victory, but this time winning almost 52 per cent of the vote, Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first popularly elected president in the history of the Turkish Republic. In his victory speech, Erdogan vowed to lead Turkey into a "new era of social reconciliation by leaving old disputes in the Old Turkey." He also called on the public to "mobilize our energy for New Turkey”. However, his polarizing rhetoric and steps towards an illiberal democracy may alienate many Turkish discontents, and unless wounds are healed Turkey risks being a weak and fragile state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Melis Yesilpinar Uyar

In the study, the purpose was to determine the perceptions of students from the department of Computer Education and Instructional Technologies regarding the concept of curriculum. The participants of the study conducted with the phenomenology research design were 212 preservice teachers. The research data were collected via document analysis and interviews. For the analysis of the data, the inductive content analysis method was used. The results revealed that the preservice teachers perceived the concept of curriculum as a process with positive and negative features which emphasize change and development. The results also demonstrated that the participants perceived their levels of knowledge about curriculum as partly sufficient. In addition, it was found that undergraduate education has an important role in the development of these perceptions. Moreover, the results emphasized the need for making more planned and systematic regulations in relation to the functioning of curriculum studies in Turkey. Lastly, the results demonstrated that there is a need for regulations in the structure of the preservice teacher education curricula to give meaning to the concept of curriculum.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 5-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kader Konuk

AbstractThe place of Jews was highly ambiguous in the newly founded Turkish Republic: In 1928 an assimilationist campaign was launched against Turkish Jews, while only a few years later, in 1933, German scholars—many of them Jewish—were taken in so as to help Europeanize the nation. Turkish authorities regarded the emigrants as representatives of European civilization and appointed scholars like Erich Auerbach to prestigious academic positions that were vital for redefining the humanities in Turkey. This article explores the country's twofold assimilationist policies. On the one hand, Turkey required of its citizens—regardless of ethnic or religious origins—that they conform to a unified Turkish culture; on the other hand, an equally assimilationist modernization project was designed to achieve cultural recognition from the heart of Europe. By linking historical and contemporary discourses, this article shows how tropes of Jewishness have played—and continue to play—a critical role in the conception of Turkish nationhood. The status of Erich Auerbach, Chair of the Faculty for Western Languages and Literatures at İstanbul University from 1936 to 1947, is central to this investigation into the place of Turkish and German Jews in modern Turkey.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Rabia Harmanşah

Abstract This article shows how everyday religious practices inform the processes of social identification, complicate presumed ethno-religious categories, and mediate local cultural differences in face of political and cultural hegemonic practices. In the context of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, a de facto state recognized only by Turkey, Turkish Cypriots and Turks are considered to share an ethnicity and religion. This “overlap” has been employed to justify Turkey’s military intervention and its political, economic, and cultural domination over the island. Yet the cultural diversities and “perceived” differences between and among these groups are exacerbated by power dynamics, nationalist agendas, and mutual biases. The article explains subtle discussions around “genuine” Turkish and Muslim identities, as well as the enforced coexistence and constructed brotherhood of Cypriots and Turks on the island. The competing accounts of the “correct” interpretation of Islam at a Muslim tekke reflect intragroup power asymmetries and the conflict between institutionalized Sunni-Orthodox and “heterodox” local Islam. The article focuses on two overlooked issues in the scholarship on Northern Cyprus—the relations between Turkish Cypriots and settlers from Turkey, and the role of religion in the political processes—as well as on literature on shared sacred sites and an analysis of competitive intracommunal interactions.


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