scholarly journals An Analysis of Common Security and Defence Policy’s (CSDP) Strategic Communication (StratCom)

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Kieran Doyle ◽  
Tedla Desta

Strategic communication (StratCom) is established as one of the key functions and interests of contemporary organisations and governments. The usefulness and importance of strategic communication becomes even more essential when the organisation is defence and security-focused or involved in crisis management. The objective of this study was to assess the strategic communication practices, and inherent challenges of communicating Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and present relevant reflections. A documentary analysis of the relevant EU websites and social media pages of 16 CSDP missions and operations was conducted. This was supplemented with eight key-informant interviews with Press and Public Information Officers (PPIOs) of CSDP and EU strategists. The research demonstrated that most CSDP missions and operations are present on most social media platforms but they often garner very small number of likes, comments, shares, replies or interactions from their targeted audiences. Features of an echo-chamber are also observed. The study also found that public affairs (information) and public diplomacy were the two main forms of strategic communication that the CSDP utilises. CSDP’s strategic communication also tends to take a one-way StratCom process. The challenges faced in terms of StratCom by CSDP are not uniform; they are contextual ranging from resource, translation to mismatch of expectations. The major challenge, however, emanates from the structural problems of CSDP or the EU itself that are beyond the European External Action Service (EEAS) or the relevant Press and Public Information Offices (PPIOs). The study recommendations include quicker EU level political and policy compromise on CSDP, training and resource improvements for StratCom, ‘storytelling and use of real people’, highlighting gender, rights and local ownership, increasing the link with the international media and regular and appropriate self-appraisals.

Communicology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-179
Author(s):  
E.S. Nadezhkina

The term “digital public diplomacy” that appeared in the 21st century owes much to the emergence and development of the concept of Web 2.0 (interactive communication on the Internet). The principle of network interaction, in which the system becomes better with an increase in the number of users and the creation of user-generated content, made it possible to create social media platforms where news and entertainment content is created and moderated by the user. Such platforms have become an expression of the opinions of various groups of people in many countries of the world, including China. The Chinese segment of the Internet is “closed”, and many popular Western services are blocked in it. Studying the structure of Chinese social media platforms and microblogging, as well as analyzing targeted content is necessary to understand China’s public opinion, choose the right message channels and receive feedback for promoting the country’s public diplomacy. This paper reveals the main Chinese social media platforms and microblogging and provides the assessment of their popularity, as well as possibility of analyzing China’s public opinion based on “listening” to social media platforms and microblogging.


Author(s):  
Shalin Hai-Jew

With the popularization of the Social Web (or Read-Write Web) and millions of participants in these interactive spaces, institutions of higher education have found it necessary to create online presences to promote their university brands, presence, and reputation. An important aspect of that engagement involves being aware of how their brand is represented informally (and formally) on social media platforms. Universities have traditionally maintained thin channels of formalized communications through official media channels, but in this participatory new media age, the user-generated contents and communications are created independent of the formal public relations offices. The university brand is evolving independently of official controls. Ex-post interventions to protect university reputation and brand may be too little, too late, and much of the contents are beyond the purview of the formal university. Various offices and clubs have institutional accounts on Facebook as well as wide representation of their faculty, staff, administrators, and students online. There are various microblogging accounts on Twitter. Various photo and video contents related to the institution may be found on photo- and video-sharing sites, like Flickr, and there are video channels on YouTube. All this digital content is widely available and may serve as points-of-contact for the close-in to more distal stakeholders and publics related to the institution. A recently available open-source tool enhances the capability for crawling (extracting data) these various social media platforms (through their Application Programming Interfaces or “APIs”) and enables the capture, analysis, and social network visualization of broadly available public information. Further, this tool enables the analysis of previously hidden information. This chapter introduces the application of Network Overview, Discovery and Exploration for Excel (NodeXL) to the empirical and multimodal analysis of a university’s electronic presence on various social media platforms and offers some initial ideas for the analytical value of such an approach.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (12) ◽  
pp. 1665-1683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy J. Golan ◽  
Ilan Manor ◽  
Phillip Arceneaux

Mediated public diplomacy literature examines the engagement of foreign audiences by governments via mediated channels. To date, scholars have examined the competitive contest between global rivals in promoting and contesting one another’s frames as reflected in global news media coverage. Recognizing the meaningful impact of social media platforms, along with the global rise of government-sponsored media organizations, the current study builds on previous mediated public diplomacy scholarship by expanding the scope of the literature beyond the earned media perspective to also include paid, shared, and owned media. The article presents a revised definition of the term mediated public diplomacy along with a case study of government to foreign stakeholder engagement via the social media platform, Twitter.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 102-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance Duncombe

Summary Public diplomacy is increasingly facilitated through social media. Government leaders and diplomats are using social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and Instagram to communicate with foreign publics, changing the dynamics of interaction between broadcaster and audience. The key to understanding the power of social media in public diplomacy is the role of emotion in digital diplomacy strategies: social media statements relating to state identity can incite strong emotions that have the potential to undermine heretofore positive diplomatic relations, or provide communicative openings that move towards ameliorating crises. Examining the interaction of social media, emotion and identity provides insight into the increasing importance of digital diplomacy and the future challenges relating to digital disinformation that lie ahead.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1072-1124
Author(s):  
Shalin Hai-Jew

With the popularization of the Social Web (or Read-Write Web) and millions of participants in these interactive spaces, institutions of higher education have found it necessary to create online presences to promote their university brands, presence, and reputation. An important aspect of that engagement involves being aware of how their brand is represented informally (and formally) on social media platforms. Universities have traditionally maintained thin channels of formalized communications through official media channels, but in this participatory new media age, the user-generated contents and communications are created independent of the formal public relations offices. The university brand is evolving independently of official controls. Ex-post interventions to protect university reputation and brand may be too little, too late, and much of the contents are beyond the purview of the formal university. Various offices and clubs have institutional accounts on Facebook as well as wide representation of their faculty, staff, administrators, and students online. There are various microblogging accounts on Twitter. Various photo and video contents related to the institution may be found on photo- and video-sharing sites, like Flickr, and there are video channels on YouTube. All this digital content is widely available and may serve as points-of-contact for the close-in to more distal stakeholders and publics related to the institution. A recently available open-source tool enhances the capability for crawling (extracting data) these various social media platforms (through their Application Programming Interfaces or “APIs”) and enables the capture, analysis, and social network visualization of broadly available public information. Further, this tool enables the analysis of previously hidden information. This chapter introduces the application of Network Overview, Discovery and Exploration for Excel (NodeXL) to the empirical and multimodal analysis of a university's electronic presence on various social media platforms and offers some initial ideas for the analytical value of such an approach.


2015 ◽  
pp. 586-635
Author(s):  
Shalin Hai-Jew

With the popularization of the Social Web (or Read-Write Web) and millions of participants in these interactive spaces, institutions of higher education have found it necessary to create online presences to promote their university brands, presence, and reputation. An important aspect of that engagement involves being aware of how their brand is represented informally (and formally) on social media platforms. Universities have traditionally maintained thin channels of formalized communications through official media channels, but in this participatory new media age, the user-generated contents and communications are created independent of the formal public relations offices. The university brand is evolving independently of official controls. Ex-post interventions to protect university reputation and brand may be too little, too late, and much of the contents are beyond the purview of the formal university. Various offices and clubs have institutional accounts on Facebook as well as wide representation of their faculty, staff, administrators, and students online. There are various microblogging accounts on Twitter. Various photo and video contents related to the institution may be found on photo- and video-sharing sites, like Flickr, and there are video channels on YouTube. All this digital content is widely available and may serve as points-of-contact for the close-in to more distal stakeholders and publics related to the institution. A recently available open-source tool enhances the capability for crawling (extracting data) these various social media platforms (through their Application Programming Interfaces or “APIs”) and enables the capture, analysis, and social network visualization of broadly available public information. Further, this tool enables the analysis of previously hidden information. This chapter introduces the application of Network Overview, Discovery and Exploration for Excel (NodeXL) to the empirical and multimodal analysis of a university's electronic presence on various social media platforms and offers some initial ideas for the analytical value of such an approach.


EDUTECH ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Anwar Sani

Abstract, world democratization forces many organizations including the government in this case, of all types in many regions of the world, to consider giving more attention to the government public relations activities. The role will include contributing to good governance and respect for human rights. That would mean public relations in Indonesia, as elsewhere in Asia, will be involved in the development of public diplomacy. Aware of the problems as well as the demands of optimization and revitalization of the role of public relations in the era of reform, democratization and transparency of public information, Indonesian Ministry of Home Affairs issued the Regulation of the Minister of the Home Affairs (Permendagri ) No. 13 of 2011, in which it sets the Implementation Guidelines for PR Tasks in the milieu of Ministry of Home Affairs and Local Government. The regulation represents the desire of the Ministry of Home Affairs to fix the government's role and functions of public relations in its internal milieu. The research question of this study concerns how the understanding of the public relations officer in the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Permendagri 13/2011 and how the implementation of Permendagri 13/2011 by public relations officials of Ministry of Home Affairs. The method used was qualitative method using the theory of social constructs of reality and symbolic interaction. The results showed that public relations officials in the Ministry of Home Affairs understood that the regulation was to improve the professionalism of Public Relations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and as an effort to encourage the active participation of the public. While the background history of the regulation discovered in the implementation, there were efforts to socialize the regulation; its impacts, constraints and solutions related to its implementation and other four main public relations activities of the Ministry of Home Affairs which include public information services, public affairs, content analysis of media and crisis management.Key words : government public relations, Regulation of the Minister of the Home Affairs 13/2011Abstrak, demokratisasi dunia memaksa organisasi, termasuk juga pemerintah dalam hal ini, dari semua jenis di banyak wilayah di dunia untuk mempertimbangkan memberikan perhatian lebih pada aktivitas kehumasan pemerintah. Peran yang akan mencakup kontribusi bagi pemerintahan yang baik dan menghormati hak asasi manusia. Itu akan berarti hubungan masyarakat di Indonesia, seperti di tempat lain di Asia, akan terlibat dalam upaya pengembangan diplomasi publik.Sadar akan persoalan sekaligus tuntutan optimalisasi serta revitalisasi peran humas pemerintah di era reformasi, demokratisasi dan transparansi informasi publik, Kementerian Dalam Negeri Indonesia (Kemendagri) mengeluarkan Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri (Permendagri) Nomor 13 tahun 2011, yang di dalamnya mengatur Pedoman Pelaksanaan Tugas Kehumasan di Lingkungan Kementerian Dalam Negeri dan Pemerintah Daerah. Permendagri 13/2011 merepresentasikan keinginan Kementerian Dalam NegePertanyaan penelitian ini adalah bagaimana pemahaman para pejabat kehumasan di lingkungan Kemendagri terhadap Permendagri No.13 Tahun 2011 dan bagaimana implementasi Permendagri No.13 Tahun 2011 oleh pejabat kehumasan Kemendagri.Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan teori kostruksi sosial atas realitas dan interaksi simbolik.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pejabat humas Kemendagri memahami Permendagri 13/2011 sebagai regulasi yang mendorong Humas Kemendagri untuk meningkatkan profesionalismenya dan merupakan upaya untuk mendorong partisipasi aktif publik. Sementara dalam implementasi Permendagri 13/2011 ditemukan beberapa latar belakang lahirnya Permendagri 13/2011, terdapat upaya sosialisasi Permendagri 13/2011, dampak, kendala serta solusi terkait implementasi Permendagri 13/2011 dan 4 aktivitas kehumasan utama Kemendagri yaitu layanan public information, public affairs, analisis isi media dan manajemen krisis.Kata Kunci : government public relations, humas pemerintahan, indonesia, permendagri 13/2011


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Hacker ◽  
Vanessa R. Mendez

This article explores how strategic communication, public diplomacy, international governmental broadcasting, and social media networking can be brought together in a system of strategic influence and global engagement. The analysis offers a contrasting approach to various views of public diplomacy or strategic communication which privilege one form of governmental influence over others and treat partial aspects of national persuasion as complete pictures of government communication aimed at foreign audiences. Because so much of public diplomacy literature today emphasizes social media, it is necessary to determine how specific tools of influence such as international broadcasting, can be used in ways that fit new thinking in public diplomacy as well as continuously emerging new media ecologies.


Author(s):  
MARJAN SIRK

Povzetek Zgodovina kaže, da so bili ljudje vedno, še pred izbruhom vojne, deležni vplivov v obliki pojasnil, razlag, informacijskih kampanj in podobnega, kar pa je bilo zelo odvisno od tega, kako so razmere videli ali jih želeli prikazati pomembni akterji, predvsem aktualna oblast. Vodstvo države torej komunicira tako z državljani svoje države kot z državami oziroma oblastjo in državljani drugih držav ter naddržavnimi in nedržavnimi subjekti. Namen tega komuniciranja je doseči ali podpirati dosego določenega strateškega cilja, h kateremu so usmerjeni vse dejavnosti in elementi moči države, tudi njenih oboroženih sil. Komunikacijska strategija in njeno ustrezno izvajanje lahko odločilno prispevata k uresničevanju nacionalnih ciljev, država pa lahko z učinkovitim strateškim komuniciranjem deluje tudi v podporo njenim oboroženim silam in odločilno prispeva k varnosti države. Zato je strateško komuniciranje element in orodje moči države, ki pa ga je treba ustrezno uporabiti. Strateško komuniciranje izvajajo tudi zavezništva, pa tudi naddržavni in nedržavni subjekti. Zveza Nato je razvila politiko in koncept strateških komunikacij, ki to zahtevno in široko področje natančno opredeljuje. Kljub temu marsikdaj in v številnih državah, tudi članicah zavezništva, pojem strateškega komuniciranja enačimo (le) z odnosi z javnostmi. Ključne besede: komuniciranje, strategija, strateško komuniciranje, oborožene sile, država, javnosti, informacijsko delovanje, psihološke operacije. Abstract History has shown that even before the outbreak of a war, people were influenced by different clarifications, explanations, information campaigns and the like. These instruments, however, were strongly conditioned by how the situation was perceived or wanted to be shown by important actors, especially the authorities in power. State management therefore uses this means to communicate with the citizens of its country as well as with the countries or authorities and citizens of other countries as well as with transnational and non-state entities. The purpose of this communication is to achieve or support the achievement of a specific strategic goal, which all activities and elements of state power, including its armed forces, aim for. The communication strategy and its proper implementation can make a decisive contribution to the achievement of national goals. The state, on the other hand, can use effective strategic communication to support its armed forces and decisively contribute to the country’s security. Strategic communications is therefore an element and tool of state power, which, however, needs to be used in a proper manner. Strategic communications is also carried out by alliances, as well as transnational and non-state actors. NATO has developed strategic communications concept and policy, which accurately defines this demanding and broad subject area. Nevertheless, in many countries, including members of the Alliance, the concept of strategic communication is many a time associated (only) with public affairs. Key words: Communication, strategy, strategic communications, armed forces, state, public, information operations, psychological operations


2018 ◽  
Vol 168 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damien Spry

The utility of social media platforms as means for communication and engagement has become important for those responsible for public diplomacy. This article addresses this nexus between social media studies and diplomacy studies using original empirical research based on Facebook pages published by the diplomatic missions of 8 nations in 22 host nations. Data from 161 pages from January to December 2016 were extracted using Netvizz. A multi-stage mixed-methods approach uses quantifiable engagement data and qualitative content. The analysis varies from many previous studies by foregrounding social media as a communication environment and by including audiences/users as active participants. The findings suggest Facebook diplomacy is more relevant in countries that are smaller, poorer and closer. They categorise content using a four-part taxonomy of diplomatic discourse: outward-facing publicity, inward-facing publicity, engagement, and user-generated content. The article aims to develop the field of digital diplomacy studies by highlighting innovative findings and suggesting trajectories for further scholarship.


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