Gniew, współczucie, solidarność – w stronę politycznie i krytycznie zorientowanej pedagogiki emocji

2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 64-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karolina Starego
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Critical Pedagogy ◽  
Democratic Education ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Emotions ◽  
Emotional Identification

This paper will address an issue that is not often discussed in the context of civic and democratic education – the shaping of political emotions. My main purpose is to outline pedagogical currents that are oriented towards cultivating the ability to identify with the suffering of the Other. This emotional identification is based on an ability to perceive structural processes that generate marginalisation and injustice and can serve as a basis for an affirmative, collective action. The thesis presented in this paper is that educational institutions should work towards fostering democratic and collective forms of subjectivity. Drawing on ideas from the existing literature I will discuss the political dimension of anger and the notion of critical pedagogy of compassion that are placed in a broader perspective of radically conceived solidarity.

scholarly journals The Alleged (De)Politicization Problem of Post-Critical Pedagogy Reconsidered

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franz Kasper Krönig
Keyword(s):  
Critical Pedagogy ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Nodal Point ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
And Function ◽  
Meaning And Function

This essay tries to intervene in the discussion between Naomi Hodgson on the one hand and Joris Vlieghe and Piotr Zamojski on the other about the meaning and function of the political in and for education. Firstly, it argues against the common charge of essentialism that is brought against ontological philosophies in general and the Heideggerian ontology of Vlieghe and Zamojski in particular. Secondly, the essay suggests the existentialist concept of ‘the situation’ as a theoretical nodal point that can grasp the inherently quasi-political dimension of pedagogical work and hence provide common ground for the two positions discussed.

The avant-garde’s visual arts in the context of Santayana’s idea of vital liberty

Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Visual Arts ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Universe

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.

scholarly journals The statue of Glauco. Reflections on human nature during the pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Marchetti
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Democratic Education ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Political Project

The statue of Glauco that the sea and the storms have disfigured so as to make its appearance more like a ferocious beast than a god, is the famous image with which Jean Jacques Rousseau, in the Discourse on the origin of inequality, questions himself on Human Nature, in a reflection that will have its purpose both in the political project of the Contract and in the pedagogical project of the Emilio. The image serves in fact to reiterate that that deterioration, that ugliness, is only external and that the statue (the man) has remained in its depths beautiful and good, since in him the feeling of piety, of his own and of his remains unchanged. dignity and the vocation to freedom of others. If this were not the case, there would be no possibility for political democracy and democratic education. The growing social inequalities, the artificialization of feelings and relationships due to technology, as well as the spread, after the pandemic, of a sort of mass "claustrophilia", a love for the closed, for one's own, with the consequent rejection of everything that comes from "outside", which is different, foreign or new, seems instead to give credit to Hobbes's thesis, namely that Human Nature is violent and aggressive and that man is always a wolf for the other man. However, it will be the task of the arts, sciences and, above all, of education, to demonstrate that, under the debris left by the salt, Glauco has remained good and that he can rediscover his true essence, the beauty of his original substance.

The State and the Jews: Reflections on Difficult Freedom

2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Annette Aronowicz
Keyword(s):  
Jewish People ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Second World ◽  
Do So

AbstractThis essay examines the contrast between two conceptions of the universal, one represented by the modern State and the other by the Jewish people. In order to do so, it returns to the collection of essays on Judaism Levinas wrote in the approximately two decades after the Second World War, Difficult Freedom. Its aim is to focus specifically on the political dimension within this collection and then to step back and reflect on how his way of speaking of the political appears to us a full generation later. As is well known, Levinas's approach to the political has a way of escaping that realm, while nonetheless remaining relevant to it. This is what we shall try to capture and to evaluate.

Politics in the Middle: For a Political Interpretation of the Dualisms in Deleuze and Guattari

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (supplement) ◽  
pp. 104-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Nunes
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Clear Distinction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Deleuze And Guattari ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
Formal Distinction

The paper identifies three recent lines of interpretation of the politics that can be derived from Deleuze and Guattari, all of which share a way of reading the dualisms in their work that can be traced back to how they understand the actual/virtual partition, and to an alleged pre-eminence of the virtual over the actual. It is argued that this reading is not only inaccurate, but obscures the political dimension of Deleuze and Guattari's work. Clarifying the latter requires a reinterpretation of the dualisms involved (as dyads rather than binaries), of the relation between virtual and actual (as a formal distinction where one acts back upon the other), and the drawing of a clear distinction between what Deleuze calls a ‘transcendent exercise’ of thought and sensibility and the properly metaphysical exercise that sets up the distinction between virtual and actual. What then appears is an image of Deleuze's and Guattari's thought that is far more concerned with practical questions and with a situated political practice of intervention.

Pratiche di auto-organizzazione sociale. Due casi di Empresas Recuperadas in Argentina

TERRITORIO ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 149-157
Author(s):  
Ida Castelnuovo
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Social Organisation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Unemployment ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The City

The question of empresas recuperadas has existed in Argentina since the end of the 1990s. These are fi rms ‘recovered' by workers who, in a context of political, social and economic crisis, and faced with the risk of structural unemployment, have opposed the closure of factories and have set in motion a process of recuperación in which the space of a factory and its relationship with the city is transformed and where the workers' collective reinvents itself as a ‘new' social organisation. Experiences are generated in this fashion which transform local communities, where the political dimension is closely connected with the dimension of action and collective action. The objective of this paper is to discuss the importance of considering social selforganisation practices in terms of their capacity to generate policies and to reinvent the use of land and the community by generating public effects and by providing adequate answers to solve collective problems.

scholarly journals The Political as Presence: On Agonism in Citizenship Education

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ásgeir Tryggvason
Keyword(s):  
Citizenship Education ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Democratic Citizenship Education ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Political Emotions ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
Political Disputes

In recent years, an agonistic approach to citizenship education has been put forward as a way of educating democratic citizens. Claudia W. Ruitenberg (2009) has developed such an approach and takes her starting point in Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory. Ruitenberg highlights how political emotions and political disputes can be seen as central for a vibrant democratic citizenship education. The aim of this paper is to critically explore and further develop the concepts of political emotions and political disputes as central components of an agonistic approach. In order to do this, I return to Mouffe’s point of departure in the concept of the political. By drawing on Michael Marder’s (2010) notion of enmity, I suggest how “the presence of the other” can be seen as a vital aspect of the political in citizenship education. By not abandoning the concept of enmity, and with the notion of presence in the foreground, I argue that Ruitenberg’s definition of political emotions needs to be formulated in a way that includes emotions revolving around one’s own existence as a political being. Moreover, I argue that in order to further develop the agonistic approach, the emphasis on the verbalization of opinions in political disputes needs to be relaxed, as it limits the political dimension in education and excludes crucial political practices, such as exodus.

Caring Critique. Exploring Pedagogical Spheres Between Critical and Post-Critical Approaches

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iris Laner
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
Critical Pedagogy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Present Experience ◽  
Living Together ◽  
Critical Action ◽  
Critical Approaches ◽  
The One

Preservation, positive affection, hope and experience are some of the core concerns of post-critical pedagogy. In order to highlight them, post-critical approaches regard it as necessary to refuse critical action on the one hand and separate the pedagogical from the political sphere on the other. In my paper I will suggest that there is a possibility to stress post-critical ideas and the need to rethink what pedagogical thinking and action is about without abandoning the critical attitude and the orientation towards the political. This possibility is bound to an inverse perspective on critique and politics. In this inverse view, which I develop engaging with recent debates in critical theory, critique can be framed as a situated engagement that faces the other within a lively present experience. Politics can be understood as variable forms of living together with humans and non-humans on the basis of shared times and spaces. Bringing in this perspective, makes it possible to go beyond the critique-post-critique-struggle and introduce an approach that is sympathetic with both critical and post-critical concerns.

Collective Action and Dimensions of Power

2019 ◽  
pp. 83-112
Author(s):  
Keith Dowding
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Local State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bargaining Model ◽  
Machine Model ◽  
Growth Machine

Taking the resource bargaining model of the previous chapter and applying the theory of action this chapter explodes some myths about the analysis of power. It carefully explains Steven Lukes three dimensions of power which forms the basis of much of the analysis of social power and then demonstrates Lukesaccount can be re-interpreted within the resource bargaining model. We do not need to impute several dimensions of power. By ignoring the collective action problem Lukes commits the same error that he attributes to others in their analysis of power. The chapter elucidates the political power or blame fallacy wherein one groups failure to promote their interests is explained by another’s group power over them. But groups can be powerless all on their own, and that is true even if the other groups could act to stop them. Distinguishing the capacity to act and the actual exercise of power is important if we wish to measure the power in society. We have to model capacities since they are not always revealed through action. It discusses the important work of John Gaventa and how his findings can be interpreted through the resource-bargaining model. It then applies the analysis to local government in the local state autonomy and the growth machine model.

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