THE GROUPS OF INTEREST IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS: THEORY AND PRACTICE

Author(s):  
Zinaida Balabayeva

The article discusses the theoretical and applied problems of interaction between the state and interest groups. The main provisions of the theory of groups with the classical works of American authors, including A.Bentli, J. Madison, T.Dye, A.Pross. Applied aspect of interaction between the state and interest groups is seen in the examples of Ukrainian politics. Analyzes the work of Ukranian scientists: Teleshun S.O., Reyterovich I.V. and Lisnichuk O.V. Defines features of dialogue between the state and interest groups in the conditions of decentralization of public administration.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2021 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
Yevdokymov Viktor Yevdokymov Viktor ◽  
Grytsyshen Dymytrii Grytsyshen Dymytrii ◽  
Malyshev Kostiantyn Malyshev Kostiantyn

The theoretical basis for the formation and implementation of state policy in the field of law enforcement is the justification of its place in the context of the implementation of the function of the state and ensuring the appropriate level of security. The functions of the state are the category that determines the directions of its development and transformation in general and individual components in particular. "The question of the functions of the state remains one of the most important issues in the theory and practice of state formation. They play an important role in the implementation of public policy, because without influencing certain social relations, the state is not able to solve the problems facing it and achieve its goals. A special place is occupied by the political function - fundamental for the implementation of other functions of the modern state "[8, p. 23] The functions of the state are always aimed at ensuring the appropriate level of its security in general and individual elements in particular. Accordingly, law enforcement activity determines both the actual law enforcement function of the state and ensuring the implementation of others related to the implementation of public administration decisions in various spheres of public life. "The study of the functions of a democratic, social, legal state provides an opportunity to reveal its democratic potential and contributes to a deeper understanding of the mechanism of state interaction with other structures of society in solving the most important political, economic, social, cultural, ideological and environmental problems. The solution of these problems largely depends on the effectiveness of the internal functions of the Ukrainian state, their financial, organizational and legal support, deepening political and legal reform, the introduction of European-style democracy "[11, p. 222]. Keywords: state policy, law enforcement activity, functions of the state, public administration.


1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Gutmann ◽  
Dennis Thompson

Moral disagreement about public policies—issues such as abortion, affirmative action, and health care—is a prominent feature of contemporary American democracy. Yet it is not a central concern of the leading theories of democracy. The two dominant democratic approaches in our time—procedural democracy and constitutional democracy—fail to offer adequate responses to the problem of moral disagreement. Both suggest some elements that are necessary in any adequate response, but neither one alone nor both together are sufficient. We argue here that an adequate conception of democracy must make moral deliberation an essential part of the political process. What we call “deliberative democracy” adds an important dimension to the theory and practice of politics that the leading conceptions of democracy neglect.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 159-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarosh Kuruvilla ◽  
Hao Zhang

ABSTRACTIn this paper, we argue that both labor unrest and collective bargaining are increasing in China. Using McAdam's political process theory, we argue that Chinese workers are striking more and offensively in support of their economic demands. We identify the state's interests in promoting collective bargaining, and through an analysis of union and employers’ organizations, attempt to predict the future trajectory of collective bargaining in China. Using new data about strikes, we confirm our argument that strikes in China are increasing. Based on very limited past and current research, we create a taxonomy of baseline collective bargaining in China against which future developments can be compared.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-533
Author(s):  
Aaron Rosenthal

AbstractDoes political distrust generate a desire to engage in the political process or does it foster demobilization? Utilizing a theoretical framework rooted in government experiences and a mixed-methods research design, this article highlights the racially contingent meaning of political distrust to show that both relationships exist. For Whites, distrust is tied to a perception of tax dollars being poorly spent, leading to increased political involvement as Whites to try to gain control over “their” investment in government. For People of Color, distrust of government is grounded in a fear of the criminal justice system, and thus drives disengagement by motivating a desire for invisibility in relation to the state. Ultimately, this finding highlights a previously unseen racial heterogeneity in the political consequences of distrust. Further, it demonstrates how the state perpetuates racially patterned political inequality in a time when many of the formal laws engendering this dynamic have fallen away.


2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (No. 1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
J. Cmejrek

The Velvet Revolution in November 1989 in the former Czechoslovakia opened the way to the renewal of the democratic political system. One of the most visible aspects of the Czech political development consisted in the renewal of the essential functions of elections and political parties. On the local level, however, the political process - as well as in other post-communist countries - continued to be for a long time influenced by the remains of the former centralized system wherein the local administration used to be subjected to the central state power. Municipal elections took hold in these countries, however, the local government remained in the embryonic state and a certain absence of real political and economic decision-making mechanism on the local level continued to show. The public administration in the Czech Republic had to deal with the changes in the administrative division of the state, the split of the Czechoslovak federation as well as the fragmentation of municipalities whose number increased by 50 percent. Decision making mechanisms on the local and regional level were suffering from the incomplete territorial hierarchy of public administration and from the unclear division of power between the state administration and local administration bodies. Only at the end of the 1990s, the public administration in the Czech Republic started to get a more integrated and specific shape. Citizens participation in the political process represents one of the key issues of representative democracy. The contemporary democracy has to face the decrease in voter turnout and the low interest of citizens to assume responsibility within the political process. The spread of democratising process following the fall of the iron curtain should not overshadow the risk of internal weakness of democracy. The solution should be looked for in more responsible citizenship and citizens’ political participation. The degree of political participation is considered (together with political pluralism) to be the key element of representative democracy in general terms, as well as of democratic process on the local and regional level. The objective of this paper is to describe the specifics of citizens local political participation in the Czech Republic and to show the differences between rural and urban areas. The paper concentrates on voting and voter turnout but deals also with other forms of citizens political participation.


1973 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansel G. Blackford

While events of major significance for banking occurred on the national scene in the populist and progressive years, noteworthy changes also materialized on the state level. Like their brethren elsewhere in the country, California bankers struggled through their organizations with such problems as how to achieve “sound banking,” how to influence the political process in their state, and how to give banking more of the trappings of professionalism.


Author(s):  
Nick Rowell

This chapter is a critical literature review of recent social science research describing and analyzing the participation of Christian churches in various phases of the human rights movement in Latin America. Spanning the period from 1964 to the present, such human rights activism took place in the contexts of authoritarian rule, civil war, democratic transitions, and the consolidation of democracy. The chapter focuses on the influence of Christian church leaders, laity, organizations, and resources on the origins, growth, and maturation of human rights-oriented social movement organizations (SMOs). Drawing on Douglas McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly’s work on political process theory, this literature emphasizes the invaluable role of religious organizations in providing space, resources, protection, and framing to nascent human rights movements in the region during the 1960s-70s. Even so, the literature also grapples with the diverse range of political stances taken by Christian church leaders and activists, both within and across national-level cases. With the maturation of the movement and the transition to democracy, political process theory remained relevant, but failed to capture some of the key challenges and opportunities experienced by Christian activists, as opposed to social activists in general. Thus, scholarship shifted focus to organized religion’s capacity to build social capital and sustain meaningful Christian social and human rights activism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document