The constitutional position of the Swiss parliament in the context of the principle of separation of powers

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Maciej Aleksandrowicz
Keyword(s):  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Direct Reference ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Swiss Constitution ◽  
Fundamental Part ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
The Government ◽  
Federal Administration

This article considers the fundamental part of the Swiss constitution relating to the legal position of parliament and its powers. The regulatory provisions give the Federal Assembly significant predominance over other bodies of authority. The clearest example is the provision of the federal constitution that gives parliament oversight over the government, federal administration and federal courts. This provision, particularly given that the constitution makes no direct reference to the principle of separation of powers, may appear to indicate that state authority is unified in just one organ – contravening the model of democracy in which the principle of separation of powers is a fundamental element. It is shown here that it is unreasonable to read the constitutional provisions in a purely literal manner, and that they should be interpreted in the light of the functions that the provisions in question are intended to fulfil, particularly in the context of the rules of a democratic state.

scholarly journals O Direito Fundamental Social à Saúde na Constituição de 1988: A Garantia da Dignidade da Pessoa Humana entre o Poder Judiciário e a Ponderação de Princípios

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cássio Guilherme Alves ◽  
Caroline Müller Bitencourt
Keyword(s):  
Human Person ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
Right To Health ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
Santa Cruz ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

O DIREITO FUNDAMENTAL SOCIAL À SAÚDE NA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1988: A GARANTIA DA DIGNIDADE DA PESSOA HUMANA ENTRE O PODER JUDICIÁRIO E A PONDERAÇÃO DE PRINCÍPIOS  The FUNDAMENTAL SOCIAL RIGHT to HEALTH IN THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION of 1988: the guarantee of HUMAN DIGNITY AMONG the judiciary and the BALANCE of PRINCIPLES  Cássio Guilherme Alves* Caroline Müller Bitencourt**  RESUMO: No presente estudo se buscará a análise da realização do direito fundamental social à saúde no Estado Democrático de Direito, haja vista sua proteção constitucional na Carta de 1988. Após o reconhecimento da saúde como direito fundamental social, imprescindível a criação de mecanismos que garantam sua concretização quando o Estado for ineficiente ou se negar à prestação material necessária. Para fins deste artigo será utilizado o método hipotético-dedutivo com análise das teorias da reserva do possível x mínimo existencial vinculado aos princípios de direitos fundamentais para a garantia do direito à saúde. Dessa forma, o Poder Judiciário enquanto poder constituído possui em sua natureza jurisdicional a competência e prerrogativa para compor conflitos, devendo decidir o caso concreto na esfera da jurisdição constitucional, evitando que sejam cometidos abusos e restrições contra os direitos fundamentais. Assim, o direito fundamental social à saúde possui estreita vinculação com a dignidade da pessoa humana, não sendo possível pensar em vida com dignidade com restrições a este direito. Nessa seara, o Poder Judiciário se apresenta como importante ator na concretização e garantia do direito à saúde quando o Poder Público for ineficiente na sua promoção, devendo agir através da jurisdição constitucional para, com o uso do instituto da ponderação, preservar os direitos fundamentais na garantia do mínimo existencial vinculado à dignidade da pessoa humana no Estado Democrático de Direito. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Dignidade da Pessoa Humana. Direito Fundamental Social à Saúde. Poder Judiciário. Ponderação de Princípios. ABSTRACT: In this study will seek to analyze the carry out of the fundamental social right to health in democratic State of law, its constitutional protection in 1988. After the recognition of health as a fundamental right, essential to the creation of mechanisms to ensure its implementation when the State is inefficient or refuse to provide necessary material. For the purposes of this article shall be used the hypothetical-deductive method with analysis of theories of possible x existential minimum linked to the fundamental rights to the guarantee of the right to health. In this way, the Judiciary while power constituted has the jurisdiction and prerogative Court nature to compose disputes, and decide the case in the sphere of constitutional jurisdiction, preventing are committed abuses and restrictions against fundamental rights. Thus, the fundamental social right health has close linkage with the dignity of the human person, it is not possible to think of life with dignity with restrictions on this right. In this field, the Judiciary presents itself as an important actor in the implementation and guarantee of the right to health when the Government is inefficient in its promotion and should act through the constitutional jurisdiction to, with the use of weighting Institute, preserving fundamental rights in existential minimum guarantee linked to the dignity of the human person in the democratic State of law. KEYWORDS: Dignity of the Human Person. Fundamental Social Right to the Health. Judiciary. Balance of Principles.  SUMÁRIO: Introdução. 1 A Saúde como um Direito Fundamental Social e sua Vinculação com a Dignidade da Pessoa Humana. 2 A Colisão de Direitos Fundamentais e a Ponderação de Princípios. Considerações Finais. Referências.* Mestrando do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Universidade de Santa Cruz do Sul (UNISC), Rio Grande do Sul.   ** Doutora em Direito pela Universidade de Santa Cruz do Sul (UNISC), Rio Grande do Sul. Professora do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Universidade de Santa Cruz do Sul (UNISC), Rio Grande do Sul.

scholarly journals Night Landings on an Aircraft Carrier: Hospital Mergers and Antitrust Law

1997 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 191-220
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Greaney
Keyword(s):  
Federal Trade Commission ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Antitrust Law ◽  
Department Of Justice ◽  
Aircraft Carrier ◽  
Hospital Mergers ◽  
The Past ◽  
Consent Decrees ◽  
The Government ◽  
Administrative Proceedings

Justice Stewart’s 1966 dictum about the inevitability of government success in challenging mergers under Section 7 of the Clayton Act held true for another fifteen years or so. In the early 1980s, however, federal enforcement agencies, the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), began to find the federal courts less hospitable to antitrust merger cases as more sophisticated economic inquiries and changing proof burdens complicated the task of identifying anticompetitive mergers. Indeed, since the early 1980s, the government has lost more litigated merger cases than it has won and has come under criticism from some quarters for becoming gun shy and not adequately policing the wave of consolidations that have occurred over the past decade.Hospital mergers, however, are a different story. Until two years ago, the government rode a streak of important victories in federal courts and FTC administrative proceedings, and had obtained consent decrees from scores of hospitals that had announced plans to merge.

Critical Analysis on the Comparative Advantage of Presidentialism over Parliamentary System on Liberty and National Unity in Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Sisay A. Temesgen
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic (EFDR) Constitution is promulgated in 1994. Under Article (45) of the EFDR the country is restructured from presidential to parliamentary system of government. Since then, the country has been ravaged by the gross violation of the liberty of citizens and the crisis of national unity and consensus among the diversified ethnic groups. The impact of the parliamentary system in aggravating those critical challenges and the comparative advantage of presidantialism is the most ignored political research topic. In this Article, I investigated that the blurry separation of powers of the parliamentary structure of the country has created fusion of powers which has undermined the system of checks and balances. Thus, the executive organ of the government has enabled to concentrate unchecked and unaccountable power which has manifested in the gross violation of the liberty of citizens. Likewise, Article (73) of EFDR has declared that the prime minister and council of ministers of the country to be appointed by the legislators. This has deprived their boarder popular base and authenticity; and equivocally undermined their potency and decisiveness in addressing the existing crisis of national unity and consensus. Comparatively, the presidential structure of government is defined by the firm separation of powers and genuine system of checks and balances. The direct popular election of the president enables the president and council of ministers to secure broader popular base and authenticity. Thus, it is advantageous over parliamentarian structure in terms of protecting the liberty of citizens and addressing the crisis of national unity and consensus in Ethiopia.

Freedom of Public Meeting in England Since 1914

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-525
Author(s):  
Dell G. Hitchner
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
English History ◽  
Total War ◽  
Personal Liberty ◽  
Public Meeting ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Personal Rights ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

To refute the maxim silent leges inter arma is one of the modern challenges to a democracy at war. It is usually recognized that when a state is at war many of the rights of personal liberty normally enjoyed by its citizens must be limited to prevent interference with the prosecution of hostilities. In international conflicts having an ideological basis, such limitations, if too severe, produce a somewhat embarrassing dilemma for a democratic state. The requirements of total war may necessitate at home some of the very objectionable features of government which are to be overthrown elsewhere; yet to be too lenient with dissident groups can well be disastrous. At all events, the government hesitates so to act as to invite its citizens to ask: “To what purpose is a war in defense of democracy if it begins by ending the very liberties which a people are asked to defend against external aggression?” Nevertheless, war conditions are not alone responsible for altered conceptions of personal rights. Internal developments in peace-time may also create a need for changes in such rules; the law cannot remain constant when the conditions upon which it is based are being transformed. Within a twenty-five-year period in English history, two major wars, as well as a series of domestic emergencies, have produced conditions sufficiently serious to arouse substantial sentiment favoring restrictions on civil liberties. At the same time, however, other equally determined groups, whose position is strengthened by the increased popularity of democratic ideals, have sought to combat such restrictions. The events of the period examined show the nature and the result of this conflict.

The Development of the Notion of Separation of Powers

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Troper
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constitutional System

It suffices to examine two of the most important texts which form the basis of France's constitutional system, the Declaration of Human Rights of 1789, and the Law of June 3, 1958, in order to become convinced that separation of powers is one of those immutable principles which imposes itself as self-evident on every liberal constituent body. Article 16 of the Declaration of 1789 proclaims that “any society in which the protection of rights is not ensured, nor the separation of powers established, has no constitution”. The constitutional Law of June 3, 1958, for its part, authorizes the government to establish a constitutional project, provided that five principles be respected; among these principles appears, immediately following the necessity of universal suffrage, the separation of powers.

scholarly journals CULTURE AS A BASE OF DEMOCRACY: INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC EXPERIENCE

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-181
Author(s):  
Tamara Sabelnykova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Cultural Participation ◽  
Cultural Education ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Government ◽  
Wide Experience

The article deals with the effect of culture on democracy. Cultural traditions, which had been developing for a long historical period, led to democracy in some societies. Modern American scientists divide the world in two types of societies: with the basic values of expression and values of surviving. Democracy wins in societies with the values of expression. So it is not enough to establish democratic laws by means of setting up a democracy. This is the reason why it doesn’t work in post-soviet countries. Ukraine has a wide experience of democracy in the past and the democratic values are the part of our national mentality. But this tradition was interrupted by 300 years of colonial dependence and 70 years of soviet totalitarianism. In such conditions the development of national culture will promote the democracy. On the other hand, we should understand the significance of personal culture of every member of society. Culture allows people to realize the importance of diversity, it makes a person more open and tolerant towards other groups in society and reinforces cohesion in society. Cultural participation, active or passive, has the great importance for democracy. It enables individuals to be more active and effective citizens. Governmental programs should promote cultural participation for people to make them more open, tolerant and respectful for other people’s values, to cultivate their strategy and critical thinking. In Ukraine, where the government is not always interested in the development of democracy, citizens should maintain cultural participation on their own by bringing up their children by means of different arts and involving them in different cultural events. The important part of cultural participation is cultural education. Unfortunately the policy of modern Ukraine tends to decrease cultural education and this situation has negative effect on building a democratic state.

scholarly journals External functions of the President of Ukraine in the context of ensuring the security of the state

1970 ◽  
pp. 402-405
Author(s):  
Taisiia Barilovska
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Complex Structure ◽  
The State ◽  
International Level ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability

The purpose of the article is to clarify the external functions of the President of Ukraine in the context of ensuring the security of the state. The mechanism of performing the external functions of Ukraine is characterized by the complex structure of interrelated and interacting relations. Of particular importance in this mechanism is the President of Ukraine, who, in accordance with the powers enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine and Ukrainian legislation, heads this mechanism and coordinates the operation of its parts. The foreign policy activities of the President of Ukraine are based on the general principles of separation of powers, of the rule of law, of constitutional responsibility, and on the specific principles of the unity and of the support of foreign policy. In order to improve the operation of the mechanism of implementing foreign policy, headed by the President of Ukraine, the measures aimed at intensifying foreign policy activities and enhancing the independence of the Government of Ukraine and developing the scientific component of this mechanism are required. The process of performing external functions of the state implies the existence of an appropriate mechanism. The mechanism of performing Ukraine’s external functions includes elements that are heterogeneous in their task, legal status, organization and other characteristics, which in their turn are interrelated and interacting. The President of Ukraine has a special place in this mechanism. In accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine, he directs the foreign policy of the country and as a head of state represents Ukraine in international relations. The logic of the current stage of the development of interstate relations strongly confirms that in order to effectively strengthen the common peace and international security, a unified strategy of interacting and regulating the external functions and powers of the presidents at the international level in ensuring this security must be developed. Perhaps, one of the most important functions of the President of Ukraine at the international level is the external function of ensuring the security of the state. Until the state has the security of its own territory and borders, other functions do not matter, because security is the guarantee of the stability, and therefore, the possibility of ensuring other functions.

scholarly journals Presidential Signing Statements and the Rule of Law as an “Unstructured Institution"

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Signing Statements ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History ◽  
The Government ◽  
Signing Statement

The George W. Bush administration's use of signing statements embodied a disturbingly thin and formalist view of the rule of law that goes hand-in-hand with its vision of the separation of powers. Its signing statement practice was notable both for the extremity of the constitutional vision that these statements typically asserted—especially with regard to the so-called "unitary executive”—and with regard to their sheer volume, unmatched in the entire history of the executive. To understand the latter phenomenon, the Bush signing statements need to be understood not just as an expression of a constitutional philosophy, but also as an effort to institutionalize through faux law a highly presidential ethos as a fundamental element of the spirit with which the government conducts business.

scholarly journals Interpretation of the Principle of Municipality Self-Reliance in the Context of Constitutional Principles of Law

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Daniluk
Keyword(s):  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Reliance ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Inherent Feature ◽  
Subsidiarity Principle ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Judicial Protection

Abstract In the science of administrative and constitutional law, administration science and many other sciences, including political science, it is widely accepted that the basic, inherent feature of a municipality, deciding the essence of the territorial self-government unit as an entity of public administration, is the self-reliance it is entitled to. The self-reliance of territorial self-government units is even defined as a constitutional norm. In principle, self-reliance is perceived as a fundamental attribute of a decentralised public authority and constitutes one of the fundamental systemic principles of the Republic of Poland. It was formulated expressis verbis in art. 165 par. 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, which states that the self-reliance of territorial self-government units is subject to judicial protection, meaning that TSGUs can defend themselves against illegal attempts, not grounded in the law to interfere in their self-reliance. This protection seems to encompass both the private-law and public-law spheres of territorial self-government activity. The essence and guarantees of territorial self-government units’ self-reliance also arise from other constitutional principles, including the aforementioned decentralisation principle, subsidiarity principle, separation of powers, supremacy of the nation and democratic state under rule of law. The goal of this article is to interpret the principle of municipal self-reliance in the context of constitutional principles of law, in the light of the Polish Constitution. The studies were conducted based on analysis of normative acts, doctrinal views and case law.

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