Japan’s Reconciliation in the Issue of Comfort Women with the Netherlands and South Korea: Pragmatic and Reflective Reconciliation

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Naoko KUMAGAI

Reconciliation among states tends to be pragmatic, based on cost/benefit national interest calculation. But it can be reflective, involving the perpetrator’s responsibility and remorse and the victims’ forgiveness, thus enhancing their mutual confidence. Japan’s moral compensation for the former Dutch and South Korean comfort women was pragmatic, based on the post-war legal agreements, but its scheme with atonement projects for each survivor had reflective elements. The Netherlands mostly accepted and South Korea mostly rejected Japan’s moral compensation for their distinctive historical and political reasons. However, Japan’s occasional excuse-like denial of coercive recruitment of comfort women based on the absence of public documents significantly reduced their confidence in Japan. This shows that the vindication of the victims’ dignity, anchored with the perpetrator’s consistent acknowledgement of its offense, is at the core of reconciliation. Reflective reconciliation is difficult to achieve but pragmatic reconciliation leaves room for dialogue among all parties concerned toward genuine understanding of the victims and thus to the restoration of their dignity.

Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter looks at South Korea’s response to the US ‘pivot’. It takes stock of the post-war division of the peninsula and its consequences for the international alignment of both North and South. It considers how the ‘economic miracle’ in South Korea led to growing competition with Japan and greater synergies with China. It looks at the degree to which North Korea threatens stability in the region, and to what extent its demonisation justifies a major US presence in close proximity to China. The chapter discusses whether resurgent China is seen as a threat to South Korean interests or chiefly viewed through the prism of mutual economic benefit; and contrasts alleged concerns about China with those provoked by Japan. It concludes that while South Korea has continued to step up its military collaboration with the US, it has not become a cheerleader for pushing back against China and has not signed up to a US strategy to contain China.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Gracellia

<p>The issue of comfort women that has occured since 1932 continues to impact bilateral relations between Japan dan South Korea. Various efforts have been made by two countries to deal with this issue, one of which is the agreement in 2015 that stating the comfort women issue has been completed and this agreement cannot be canceled. Instead of solving the problem, this agreement marked as the beginning of a worsening relation between the two countries. Poor relations led to several implications which then became a new problem to Japan and South Korea relations. This research finds that the comfort women issue has given three implications for the relations between Japan and South Korea. First is the Japan-South Korea Trade War in 2019, second is the withdrawal of South Korea from General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) and the last is the boycott of Japanese products conducted by South Korean society. The unresolved issue has affected the economy, national security and the social life of the people of both countries.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK:</strong> Permasalahan <em>comfort women</em> yang terjadi sejak tahun 1932 terus memberikan implikasi yang kuat kepada hubungan bilateral antara Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Berbagai usaha telah dilakukan oleh kedua negara untuk menangani permasalahan ini, dimana salah satunya adalah perjanjian pada tahun 2015 yang menyatakan permasalahan comfort women telah selesai dan perjanjian ini tidak dapat dibatalkan. Bukannya menyelesaikan masalah, perjanjian ini menjadi awal dari hubungan kedua negara yang semakin memburuk. Hubungan yang buruk kemudian menimbulkan beberapa implikasi yang menjadi masalah baru di dalam hubungan Jepang dengan Korea Selatan. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan bahwa permasalahan comfort women memberikan tiga implikasi kepada hubungan Jepang dan Korea Selatan yaitu Perang Dagang Jepang-Korea Selatan 2019, penarikan Korea Selatan dari General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) dan pemboikotan produk Jepang yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat Korea Selatan. Permasalahan comfort women yang tidak kunjung terselesaikan telah mempengaruhi perekonomian, keamanan nasional, hingga kehidupan sosial masyarakat kedua negara.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Jay Song ◽  
Jun Ohashi

In December 2015, South Korea and Japan reached an agreement on resolving the “comfort women” issue that sparked media interests. This article analyses how the South Korean and Japanese media covered comfort women in 2013–2018. The study collects over 20,000 newspaper articles and analyses distinctive media framings in liberal, conservative and leftist newspapers in South Korea and Japan. During this period, the South Korean media have gone beyond the extant nationalist and feminist narratives and incorporated a class dimension. The authors find that there have been dynamic interplays among nation, gender and class that make the debates more complex and transnational, yet the dominant narratives are still from liberal or leftist nationalists in Korea and conservative statists in Japan.


Author(s):  
Hiro Saito

The history problem fully developed between 1989 and 1996. Japanese and South Korean NGOs expanded the transnational network to help former “comfort women” demand apologies and compensation from the Japanese government, while Japanese NGOs helped Chinese victims file compensation lawsuits against the Japanese government and corporations. At this historical juncture, the LDP was ousted from power. This allowed non-LDP prime ministers to offer apologies for Japan’s past wrongdoings more decisively than did their LDP predecessors. Nevertheless, the LDP remained the largest political party, forcing non-LDP prime ministers to compromise cosmopolitanism with nationalism in Japan’s official commemoration. This compromise intensified the history problem by galvanizing Japanese nationalists as well as the governments and citizens in South Korea and China. The former criticized the Japanese government for failing to honor Japanese war dead enough, whereas the latter criticized it for failing to commemorate South Korean and Chinese victims enough.


2016 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-274
Author(s):  
Elizabeth W. Son

In producing Chungmi Kim's eponymous Hanako (1999), the first Asian American play on the topic of “comfort women,” East West Players (EWP) provided a critical space for addressing this devastating chapter of Asian history and showing its relevance to communities in the United States. It also inadvertently launched the play on a ten-year transpacific journey as Comfort Women (2004) in New York and as Nabi (2005–9) throughout South Korea and Canada. Hanako dramatizes the intergenerational bonds between a Korean American university student, her grandmother, and Korean “comfort women” survivors who travel to New York to give their public testimonies. As the play develops, one learns that the grandmother has been repressing her own memories of enslavement as one of an estimated two hundred thousand young girls and women euphemistically called “comfort women” whom the Japanese Imperial military forced into sexually servicing its troops in the years leading up to and during World War II. Survivors kept their wartime experiences a secret from the public until the early 1990s, when a social movement for redress emerged in Asia. Over the past two and a half decades, activists and artists from around the world have joined survivors in their quest for justice. The recent agreement in 2015 between South Korea and Japan to “resolve” the “comfort women” issue sparked outcry from survivors and their supporters for its insincerity and inadequacy, further galvanizing the movement. Hanako and its afterlives as Comfort Women and Nabi are part of the transpacific culture of political activism and artistic expression that contends with the ongoing struggle over the history of “comfort women.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 1006-1025 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyeong-Jun Pak

This article explored South Korean and Japanese newspaper reports on the “comfort women” who were forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army in the 1930s-1940s, to examine how print media have reproduced the reality of the issue. I conducted a quantitative frame analysis of the contents of news articles ( N = 384) on the comfort women in four South Korean and Japanese newspapers. The frames of comfort women articles in all papers can be considered to be very stereotyped, because they have changed little according to the newspaper’s political position (conservative/liberal), attitude (anti-Japan/anti–South Korea), and nationality (South Korean/Japanese). When the relationship of South Korea and Japan has been combative, conflict and morality frames have been abundant. In contrast, when the relationship has been favorable, human interest frames have been ample.


2016 ◽  
pp. 425-434
Author(s):  
Dan Michman

The percentage of victimization of Dutch Jewry during the Shoah is the highest of Western, Central and Southern Europe (except, perhaps of Greece), and close to the Polish one: 75%, more than 104.000 souls. The question of disproportion between the apparent favorable status of the Jews in society – they had acquired emancipation in 1796 - and the disastrous outcome of the Nazi occupation as compared to other countries in general and Western European in particular has haunted Dutch historiography of the Shoah. Who should be blamed for that outcome: the perpetrators, i.e. the Germans, the bystanders, i.e. the Dutch or the victims, i.e. the Dutch Jews? The article first surveys the answers given to this question since the beginnings of Dutch Holocaust historiography in the immediate post-war period until the debates of today and the factors that influenced the shaping of some basic perceptions on “Dutch society and the Jews”. It then proceeds to detailing several facts from the Holocaust period that are essential for an evaluation of gentile attitudes. The article concludes with the observation that – in spite of ongoing debates – the overall picture which has accumulated after decades of research will not essentially being altered. Although the Holocaust was initiated, planned and carried out from Berlin, and although a considerable number of Dutchmen helped and hid Jews and the majority definitely despised the Germans, considerable parts of Dutch society contributed to the disastrous outcome of the Jewish lot in the Netherlands – through a high amount of servility towards the German authorities, through indifference when Jewish fellow-citizens were persecuted, through economically benefiting from the persecution and from the disappearance of Jewish neighbors, and through actual collaboration (stemming from a variety of reasons). Consequently, the picture of the Holocaust in the Netherlands is multi-dimensional, but altogether puzzling and not favorable.


Author(s):  
Andrew Logie

In current day South Korea pseudohistory pertaining to early Korea and northern East Asia has reached epidemic proportions. Its advocates argue the early state of Chosŏn to have been an expansive empire centered on mainland geographical Manchuria. Through rationalizing interpretations of the traditional Hwan’ung- Tan’gun myth, they project back the supposed antiquity and pristine nature of this charter empire to the archaeological Hongshan Culture of the Neolithic straddling Inner Mongolia and Liaoning provinces of China. Despite these blatant spatial and temporal exaggerations, all but specialists of early Korea typically remain hesitant to explicitly label this conceptualization as “pseudohistory.” This is because advocates of ancient empire cast themselves as rationalist scholars and claim to have evidential arguments drawn from multiple textual sources and archaeology. They further wield an emotive polemic defaming the domestic academic establishment as being composed of national traitors bent only on maintaining a “colonial view of history.” The canon of counterevidence relied on by empire advocates is the accumulated product of 20th century revisionist and pseudo historiography, but to willing believers and non-experts, it can easily appear convincing and overwhelming. Combined with a postcolonial nationalist framing and situated against the ongoing historiography dispute with China, their conceptualization of a grand antiquity has gained bipartisan political influence with concrete ramifications for professional scholarship. This paper seeks to introduce and debunk the core, seemingly evidential, canon of arguments put forward by purveyors of Korean pseudohistory and to expose their polemics, situating the phenomenon in a broader diagnostic context of global pseudohistory and archaeology.


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