scholarly journals Protest March Restrictions in Cameroon

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nanche Billa Robert
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Law Enforcement Officers ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ghost Towns ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Shared Goal ◽  
Conflicting Interests ◽  
English Culture

Southern Cameroonians stage protest marches because of their low or negative social status identity comparative to their French-speaking compatriot. This produces a negative perception of themselves: that of a marginalized people which is a negative or a low social identity. Accordingly, they try to change this situation by mobilizing their members for a protest march as it was on the 22nd September and 1st October, 2017 and their clamor for absolute independence is much clearer today than before. They have therefore constructed a collective identity with a common goal and an emotional bond of organizing protest marches, lockdowns and executing the weekly ghost towns among other. The shared goal of the Anglophone is different from that of the Francophone while one is protesting against the form of state and the protection of their English culture, the other is protesting against a change of government or better governance. In each protest, law enforcement officers brutalized, injured, harassed, seized and destroyed their phones, barred some from joining the demonstrations and dispersed them ruthlessly by violently repressing them, using teargas as well as shooting live bullets on the crowds. While southern Cameroonians share a collective identity and massively organize protest marches, their French-speaking compatriots have conflicting interests and low protest march participation.

scholarly journals AMERICAN JEWS AS A WHITE ETHNIC AND HOW THEY WERE PERCEIVED: A SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACH

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Rizqy A.R. Ahmad ◽  
Muh Arif Rokhman
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Social Identity Theory ◽  
White Privilege ◽  
Identity Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
American Jews ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
Ethnic Boundaries ◽  
White Ethnic

This study aims to determine the changes of American Jews social status from the ‘other’ to the white ethnic. Social Identity theory is used in order to breakdown how the American Jews were perceived. The classification as a white ethnic, while it has its benefits, does not automatically put the American Jews and the WASP in the exact same position. Rather, the American Jews managed to stay within their ethnic boundaries while enjoying the white privilege.

Termin kandaulos/kandylos (κανδαυλοσ/ κανδυλοσ) na podstawie λεχεων συναγωγη Focjusza oraz "Commentari ad Homeri Iliadem" Eustacjusza z Tessaloniki

Vox Patrum ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 361-373
Author(s):  
Maciej Kokoszko ◽  
Katarzyna Gibel-Buszewska
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Present Article ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Social ◽  
Cooked Meat

The present article focuses on one of the Greek delicacies mentioned by Photius and Eustathius, i.e. a Lydian import called kandaulos/kandylos. The dish was developed before the mid. VI th c. BC and named after a Lydian king, Kandaules, who ruled in the VII th c. BC. The delicacy was (via the Ionians) borrowed by the Helens and established itself in Greece sometime in the V th c. It became popular in Hellenistic times. The information we possess allow us to reconstruct two varieties of kandaulos/ kandylos. The first was savoury and consisted of cooked meat, stock, Phrygian cheese, breadcrumbs and dill (or fennel). The other included milk, lard, cheese and honey. The dish is reported to have been costly, prestigious and indicating the social status of those who would eat it. Though there is much evidence suggesting its popularity in antiquity, we lack solid evidence proving that kaunaudlos/kandylos was eaten in Byzantine times. On the other hand, Byzantine authors preserved the most detailed literary data on the delicacy. If it had not been for the Byzantine interest, our competence in the field of Greek cuisine would be even faultier.

“Femininity without Feminism”

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soo-Hyun Mun
Keyword(s):  
Gender Identity ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Gender Politics ◽  
Unintended Consequences ◽  
The Other ◽  
Korean Society ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The One ◽  
Status Of Women

This article contributes to the debate between the merits of the ‘politics of presence’ versus the ‘politics of ideas’ by examining the case of the first female Korean president, Park Geun-Hye. On the one hand, Park did not represent ‘the ideas’ of feminist politics. While her gender identity was widely propagated and accepted, it did not transform into deliberate identity-based politics. On the other hand, she contributed to the elevation of women’s social status through various unintended consequences, although Park’s ‘femininity without feminism’ inevitably led to the negligence of gender politics in her government. Indeed, Park’s existence, rather than her intention, stimulated the debate on the role and status of women in Korean society and enabled the rise of a number of first females in various sectors. In sum, the ‘politics of presence’ was triggered even without overt political measures.

scholarly journals Commercial Limits to Personality: Instagram Influencers and Commoditized Content Receptivity

Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Tyler Horan
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Social Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
Audience Reception ◽  
Media Audiences ◽  
Unique Identity ◽  
The One ◽  
Commercial Relationships ◽  
Network Power

Social media influencers-individuals who utilize various forms of network power on social networks occupy a unique identity space. On the one hand, their network power is often tied to their social identity as creators of engaging material. On the other hand, their ability to promote commercial products and services steps outside the traditionally distinct commercial–social, occupational–personal divides. In this work, the network morphologies of influencers are explored in relation to their delivery of sponsored and non-sponsored content. This article explores how the disclosure of content as ‘sponsored’ affects audience reception. We show how that the promotion of content on social media often generates higher levels of engagement and receptiveness amongst their audience despite the platform’s assumption of organic non-commercial relationships. We find that engagement levels are highest among smaller out-degree networks. Additionally, we demonstrate that sponsored content not only returns a higher level of engagement, but that the effect of sponsorship is relatively consistent across out-degree network sizes. In sum, we suggest that social media audiences are not sensitive to commercial sponsorship when tied to identity, as long as that performance is convincing and consistent.

Epodes

1972 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 6-14
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Lyric Poetry ◽  
The Other ◽  
Similar Attitude ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Close Relationship

Horace was writing hisEpodes1at the same time as he was writingSatires. The nameEpodesis derived from the metrical term ό ἐπῳδός (і.е. στίχος) which signifies the second and shorter line of a couplet, but Horace himself referred to them asiambi(soEpod. 14. 7,Epist. i. 19. 23). The collection is titledLiber Epodonin the MSS. and the title was used by grammarians of the fourth and fifth centuries. Butiambigives a better idea of their basic inspiration. Horace says of them(Epist. i. 19. 21-5):So he claims(a)originality,(b)Archilochus as a model,(c)that he was the first Roman to use Archilochus as a model, and(d)that he discarded the vicious personal invective of Archilochus. The judgement disregards Catullus, who had writteniambibefore Horace, but whose similarity to Archilochus did not extend far beyond metre and invective. There is a consistency in Horace’s poetic career: he began by recreating the poetry of Archilochus in hisEpodes, and his later—and greatest— work was the recreation in hisOdesof the lyric poetry of poets like Sappho, Alcaeus, and Pindar. There is a similarly close relationship between theSatiresand theEpistles;and, furthermore, all of his writing uses an autobiographical technique. There is another sort of consistency too, for basicallyEpodesandSatiresexpress a similar attitude of mind: anger, contempt, and amusement are the fundamental emotions (though he often transcends these emotions in both works), and a plausible case can be made out for regarding this as a sign of a young man of low social status, unsure of himself and his talent, and already finding ways of expressing a personality that were not too self-revealing. TheOdesandEpistles, on the other hand, express a more meditative, more philosophical, more humane attitude, yet ultimately no more self-revealing.

Kuinka pääministeriä puhutellaan?

Virittäjä ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 125 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ildikó Vecsernyés
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Theoretical Background ◽  
The Other ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Important Resource ◽  
Address Forms ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Conversations ◽  
The One

Tässä artikkelissa tarkastellaan, kuinka Suomen ja Unkarin pääministereitä puhutellaan Facebookissa. Tutkimuksen kohteena on se, mitä puhuttelukeinoja kommentoijat käyttävät kahdessa eri tarkoituksessa: toisaalta sympatian tai samaa mieltä olemisen, toisaalta erimielisyyden tai kritiikin ilmaisemisessa. Kahden sukukielen, suomen ja unkarin, puhuttelukeinot ovat samankaltaisia, mutta niiden käytössä on huomattavia eroja esimerkiksi sinuttelun ja teitittelyn yleisyydessä. Aineistona on viiteen Suomen pääministeri Juha Sipilän ja yhdeksään Unkarin pääministeri Viktor Orbánin vuosina 2015–2017 kirjoittamaan Facebook-päivitykseen tulleita kommentteja. Tarkastelun kohteena on 189 suomenkielistä ja 191 unkarinkielistä puhuttelumuotoa sisältävää kommenttia. Kommentit on jaettu myötäileviin ja vastustaviin ja näitä kahta kommenttityyppiä tarkastellaan kvantitatiivisesti ja kvalitatiivisesti pyrkimyksenä selvittää, mitä eroja puhuttelumuodon valinnassa ilmenee. Tutkimuksen teoreettis-metodisena taustana on aiempi sosiopragmaattinen puhuttelututkimus. Tutkimus osoittaa, että suomessa sinuttelu on hyvin yleistä riippumatta kommentin laadusta, mutta unkarissa sinuttelu on tavallisesti erimielisyyden osoittamisen keino. Tyypillinen kannustavan kommentin kirjoittaja käyttää suomessa sinuttelua ja pääministerin etunimeä, unkarissa teitittelyä, ön-teitittelypronominia ja pääministerin titteliä. Unkarin kielessä puhuteltavan yhteiskunnallinen asema vaikuttaakin puhuttelumuodon valintaan vahvemmin kuin suomessa. Toissijaisena strategiana unkarissa esiintyy jonkin verran myös uudenlaista kunnioittavaa sinuttelua yhdistettynä pääministerin etunimen käyttöön. Suomenkielisen aineiston vastustavissa kommenteissa esiintyy vielä todennäköisemmin sinuttelua kuin myötäilevissä kommenteissa sekä sinä-pronominia ja pääministerin sukunimeä, unkarinkielisessä aineistossa puolestaan sinuttelua, te ’sinä’ -pronominia ja pääministerin etu- tai sukunimeä tai nimenmuunnoksia. Toissijaisena strategiana joissain unkarin vastustavissa kommenteissa hyödynnetään ylikohteliaisuutta ja intentionaalista inkoherenssia. Aineiston perusteella näyttää siltä, että Facebook-kommenteissa käytetään suomessa etupäässä sinuttelua samoin kuin muissakin internetkeskusteluissa; kommentoijien mielipiteen ilmaisemisessa nominaalisilla puhuttelumuodoilla on tärkeä rooli. Unkarissa taas internetin yleisestä sinuttelupainotteisuudesta huolimatta tärkeimpänä keinona on sinuttelun ja teitittelyn vastakkainasettelu.   How to address a Prime Minister? Forms of address in comments to posts from the Prime Ministers of Finland and Hungary This article examines how the Prime Ministers of Finland and Hungary are addressed on Facebook. The aim of the study is to investigate which forms of address are used by commentators expressing, on the one hand, sympathy or consent, and on the other, disagreement or criticism. The repertoires of address forms of these two related languages, Finnish and Hungarian, bear many similarities, but the frequency and status of these forms are different. The data consists of comments on five posts written by Prime Minister of Finland Juha Sipilä and on nine posts written by Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Orbán between 2015–2017, comprising a total of 189 comments in Finnish and 191 comments in Hungarian, all containing forms of address. The comments have been divided into two types: comments showing sympathy and comments showing disagreement or criticism. These two comment types have been analysed quantitatively and qualitatively aiming to determine how the address practices employed differ from each other. The theoretical background of this study is based upon previously conducted socio­pragmatic address research. The article shows that the use of T forms  is very common in Finnish, regardless of the type of comment, but that in Hungarian, T forms are typically used as a linguistic tool to express disagreement. In Finnish, a typical commentator showing sympathy will use T forms and address the Prime Minister by his first name, whereas in Hungarian V forms, the V form pronoun ön, and the title ‘Prime Minister’ are favoured. The social status of the addressee has a stronger effect on the choice of address forms in Hungarian than it does in Finnish. However, some Hungarian comments include a new, respectful type of T form used with the first name of the Prime Minister. In comments expressing disagreement in the Finnish data, writers favour T forms, especially T form pronouns, and the use of the Prime Minister’s surname, whereas in the Hungarian data T forms, the T form pronoun te ‘you’ and the use of the Prime Minister’s first name, surname or nicknames are the most typical address practices. In conclusion, commentators in the Finnish data seem to use mostly T forms on Facebook, thus imitating address practices common in other online conversations. Instead of the T/V opposition, nominal forms of address play an important role in expressing the commentators’ attitude. In the Hungarian data, despite the prevalence of the T forms in online chats, the most important resource in expressing relation to the Prime Minister seems to be the contrast between the T and V forms, reflecting their significant status in Hungarian.

Analyse discriminante et vocabulaire politique : Essai méthodologique

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-97
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Chapelle ◽  
Pierre Couvreur ◽  
Giuseppe Pagano
Keyword(s):  
Discriminant Analysis ◽  
Discriminant Function ◽  
The Other ◽  
Limited Sample ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Lexical Items

This paper aims at testing the hypothesis of growing ideological uniformity of political speeches. If political speeches lack ideological differences, it should be difficult to re-classify them only by analyzing the presence or absence of lexical items. We first worked out a method to classify political speeches and then carried a test on two speeches by leading Belgian French-speaking politicians.  The method is based on discriminant analysis. It utilizes the words most encountered in one speech and not in the other as discriminant factors. Statistical softwares then assess a discriminant function used to re-classify short parts of each speech called blocks. The most discriminating 10 factors re-classify correctly 89% of the blocks. The percentage increases to 93% with 20 factors and to 98% with 30 factors.However the results should be taken with caution because of the limited sample, the test tends to question the growing uniformity of political speeches. The sampled ones had enough specific features for allowing a rather simpte method to re-classify most parts of them correctly, even if some typically ideological items are not to be found.

De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1988 : Analyse van de resultaten

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-384
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The City ◽  
Walloon Region

In the Flemish region the greatest losers are the Flemish nationalists VU and the Socialist Party, followed by de christian-democrats of the CVP. The liberal party PVV, the ecologist AGALEV and the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok (particularly in the city ofAntwerp) are the winners. The results of the Walloon region show a gain for the socialists (PS), christian-democrats (PSC) and the ecologists (ECOLO) and a sligtly liberal (PRL) recede. The high number of winners is caused by the disapearrance of the socialist-Walloon nationalist alliances and the anti-tax party UDR T. Another important factor is the fall in of the walloon nationalist party RW.The elections in the Brussels region are characterized by the further set-back of the once so strong French-speaking party FDF. The three traditional political families and the ecologists benefit by this decline.In Flanders the christian-democrats and the socialists profit by their participation in the boards of mayor and aldermen (the local majorities), in the Walloons the socialists. The data concerning the profits by this participations show no evidence for the other parties.

Intersectionality, Social Identity Theory, and Explorations of Hybridity

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy Taksa ◽  
Glen Powell ◽  
Laknath Jayasinghe
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Cognitive Processes ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Social Identity Theory ◽  
Identity Theory ◽  
Group Processes ◽  
Multiple Identities ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
Identity Negotiations ◽  
Bodily Experiences

The fundamental difference in focus between the fields of sociology and psychology, notably between discriminatory processes and cognitive processes, has limited attempts to consider intersectionality and Social Identity Theory (SIT) together. The aim of this chapter is to address this gap by combining intersectional and SIT approaches, recognizing their contributions and identifying issues and gaps. The chapter provides an overview of the epistemological and ontological differences between the two fields and the divergent ways intersectional and SIT scholars conceptualise individual and collective identity/ies. Close attention is given to the way multiple identities and groups are construed and interpreted. The chapter highlights the significance of conceptualizations of emergent identities, hybridity, practices and space for the study of identity. On this basis, itr examines how studies on spatial contexts of racialised masculinity and the bodily experiences of racialised men can enhance understandings of individual identity negotiations and group processes in specific locations.

scholarly journals AN OVERVIEW OF INDONESIAN LOANWORDS FROM FRENCH

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Tri Indri Hardini ◽  
Philippe Grangé
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Language ◽  
Language Contact ◽  
Old French ◽  
The Other ◽  
French Language ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Reciprocal Influence ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Dutch Language ◽  
Faux Amis

When two languages come into contact, they exert a reciprocal influence, often unbalanced. A phenomenon that often occurs in case of language contact is the absorption or borrowing of lexical elements, which will enrich the vocabulary of the receiving language. In this article, we deal with words adopted from French in Indonesian and vice-versa. This research shows that most of the words of French origin in Indonesian/Malay language were borrowed through Dutch. Historical background explains why there are no direct loanwords from French language in Indonesian. Nowadays, a second batch of words originating from Old French finds their way into Indonesian through English. On the other hand, very few words from Malay-Indonesian origin were borrowed in French, and their route was not straight either: they were conveyed through Portuguese or Dutch. Phonological adaptation and shift of meaning may have happen when the words were loaned from French to Dutch language or later, when adapted from Dutch into Indonesian language. The data analysed in this article may help teachers of French as a Foreign Language in Indonesia, as well as teachers of Indonesian as a Foreign Language in French-speaking countries, to predict which words will be immediately recognized by their students, and when they should pay extra-attention to faux-amis (cognates whose meanings differ).

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