scholarly journals Obraz první Československé republiky při projednávání Ústavy ČR

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 197-222
Author(s):  
Klára Marková
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Vaclav Havel ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Actual Content ◽  
Research Questions

This paper focuses on the image of the political system of the first Czechoslovak Republic in the political discourse connected with the preparation of the Czech Constitution in 1992. It works mainly with records of parliamentary debates between July and December 1992 and considers three types of actors: members of committees working on the constitution, constitutional lawyers and political figures with a significant informal influence, such as Václav Havel. The author asks three interrelated research questions: How was the first Czechoslovak Republic portrayed in the debates on the Czech Constitution? In what context of the discussions and argumentations did the First republic reappear? And what role did the image of the Czechoslovak Republic play in the debates? As I argue, the system of the first Czechoslovak Republic was presented almost always positively, framed by concepts of tradition, democracy, sovereignty, and stability. Conversely, the Senate was portrayed more negatively, as a symbol of inefficiency, futility and expensiveness. The political system of the First Republic and the Constitution of 1920 represented an issue that could not be ignored and had to emerge through discourse. Some speakers did not always portray it properly and rarely spoke about the problematic aspects of the functioning of the political system of the First Republic. However, it was always alluded to as a symbol whose meaning was often more important than its actual content, as it could confirm the legitimacy of power relationships and express identification with a given political line. The fact that the actors chose only certain images of the First Republic, mostly the positive ones, illustrates that they sought to use the power of the symbol of the First Republic.

scholarly journals WINCENTY SKRZETUSKI O POTRZEBIE ORAZ ZMIANACH W PRAWIE I USTROJU DOBY STANISŁAWOWSKIEJ

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 385
Author(s):  
Wojciech Organiściak
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Weak Points ◽  
Liberum Veto ◽  
The Times

WINCENTY SKRZETUSKI ABOUT NECESSITY ALSO FOR A CHANGE OF LEGAL SYSTEM AND POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE TIMES STANISŁAW AUGUST REIGN (1764-1795)Summary Wincenty Skrzetuski, in his work The Political Law of the Polish Nation, when discussing the issue of the functioning of the political system of he gentry Republic, presented a liberum veto, a short draft which he considered one of the most disastrous mechanisms of the abuse of citizen-ship freedom for Poland. Polish piarist made interesting historical digressions which showed some of the weak points of the solutions functioning in the parliamentary practice of the First Republic of Poland. Wincenty Skrzetuski, discussing a procedure of parliamentary sessions, ammended in the period of Stanisław August, did not always clearly emphasise the solutions aiming at simplification and acceleration of the course of the parliamentary sessions. It needs to be emphasized that describing the problem of parliamentary clearances, he referred to disastrous parliamentary practices and was in line with some drafters of the reforms in the gentry Republic of Poland who demanded radical changes in the clearance procedure or even its total abolishment. The opinions and viewpoints presented by Skrzetuski allow for ascribing him to the group of the continuators of the work by Stanisław Konarski. Wincenty Skrzetuski’s attitudes to law and critical of the legal system of his times, he postulated abolition of severe penalties in favour of creating conditions ascertaining that a punishment is truly carried out. This Piarist scholar followed the Renaissance views that laws should be written in a concise, clear and comprehensive language, and be free from any contradictions. Skrzetuski in your “Speeches on the main political matters” postulated an urgent and unconditional abolition of torture. Many of his arguments related almost directly to Cesare Beccaria’s “On crimes and punishments” or derived from the thoughts of eminent thinkers like Montesquieu and Rousseau.

scholarly journals The ‘new’ League success in the red belt and its post-fascist inheritance: evidence from 2018 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moreno Mancosu ◽  
Riccardo Ladini
Keyword(s):  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

In 2018 national elections, the Lega, an Italian xenophobic right-wing party, has dramatically increased its consensus in the ‘red belt’, the central part of the country traditionally ruled by center-left parties. Pundits have argued that this performance can be attributed to the effect of the new leadership of Matteo Salvini, who shifted the ideological location of the party (that now aims at being a national right-wing party), combined with the drop in preferences of Forza Italia, the ally/competitor in the right-wing ideological spectrum. This paper aims at providing new insights in the explanation of these electoral outcomes, by hypothesizing that geographical trajectories of diffusion of the party are correlated with the presence of geographically clustered post-fascist minorities present in the region since the First Republic age. By employing official figures at the municipality level, the paper analyses the relationship between the percentages of votes for the MSI (the most relevant post-fascist force during the First Republic) in 1976 and the Lega Nord in the 2006-2018 period. Consistent with our hypothesis, the post-fascist inheritance is significantly correlated with the local prevalence for the Lega Nord in 2018, after the change in the political discourse and leadership of the party. Empirical analyses provide evidence of our expectations, even when controlling for unemployment rate and percentage of immigrants.

Inclusivity and exclusivity in the use of Cantonese ngo5dei6 (‘we’) in evasive replies in Hong Kong political discourse

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 691-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Lap-ming Wai ◽  
Foong Ha Yap
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
General Public ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Contextual Factor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Controversial Issues

Politicians frequently face adversarial questions during election time. They often provide evasive replies to veer away from the controversial issues, but such equivocation also distances them from the audience. To deal with this problem, politicians often use the inclusive ‘we’ to identify themselves with the interest of the general public when they equivocate, or they sometimes use the exclusive ‘we’ to shift the responsibility of controversial policies to their political parties. The choice of inclusive versus exclusive ‘we’ in equivocation is not random but is governed by contextual factors, for example, the speech topic, the politician’s affiliation (if any) and the political system within a given culture. In Hong Kong, the Chief Executive Election candidates often do not belong to any political party. In this article, we examine how this unique contextual factor affects the choice of inclusive and exclusive ‘we’ in the evasive replies of politicians in the 2012 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election debates.

Politicians, Security Politics and the Political Game

2019 ◽  
pp. 115-160
Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal
Keyword(s):  
Military Intervention ◽  
Pierre Bourdieu ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Research Interviews ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Drawing on research interviews with politicians, including three former cabinet ministers and a former member of the UK Intelligence and Security Committee, this chapter describes the historical ‘rules of the game’ of security politics and how they are being challenged. It explores two angles: the problematisations expressed by politicians themselves, and a broader analysis of the structured power relationships in which they are enmeshed. It examines what happens within the ‘arena’ of ‘normal politics’ as it relates to security and why: certain formal and informal ‘rules’, conventions, norms, and power structures have worked to reproduce the institutional and symbolic dominance of the state and marginalised most actors in the political arena. Using concepts from Pierre Bourdieu, it analyses how non-government politicians have helped to reproduce their own marginalisation through practices of deference and self-exclusion. The final part argues that the old ‘rules’ and conventions of security politics have not entirely disappeared but are changing. It discusses how parliamentary debates on Iraqi WMD in 2003 and military intervention in Syria in 2013 show that non-government politicians are increasingly questioning, resisting, and rejecting the old conventions of security, such as deference to the executive on intelligence assessments.

scholarly journals Intellectuals and political discourse of resistance (sketches of Russian culture)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Skiperskikh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
Soviet Culture ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

In the article, the author shows how the government and the opposition interact in the political process. Actors representing opposition constantly produce political texts illustrating their alternative views. The existence of the opposition subject in a critical state in regards to the existing institutions of power is historically predetermined, which proves an active reflection from prominent theorists of political thought. A free dialogue of the government and the opposition is hardly possible in every single political system. In the case of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, this dialogue may be difficult. The consequences of free will for the subject of opposition can be quite severe. The author analyzes the political discourse of opposition as exemplified by the Soviet culture. The author is interested in the metaphors of opposition and their political context, which seems to be an inevitable condition and framework limiting creativity of one or another intellectual. The author studies a number of texts of the Soviet culture representatives, who used metaphors of opposition, and had a reputation of troublemakers. Such position of an intellectual generates sanctions of the repressive machine and predetermines very specific forms of presenting texts of opposition and apophasis. For convincing his own arguments, the author constantly turns to the heritage of the USSR representatives of unofficial culture in.

scholarly journals Applying Topic Modelling to Party Discourse: An Exploration of the Italian Case in 2013–2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-150
Author(s):  
Andre Pareschi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Topic Modelling ◽  
Electoral Volatility ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
Facebook Pages ◽  
Insight Into

During the last few years, external crises and endogenous weaknesses have combined to plunge the Italian political system into generalised instability. In particular, the major political parties have experienced rapidly turning tides in a context of intensified electoral volatility. This explorative article sets out to get an insight into the discursive struggles that have pitted these parties one against another, undergirding the ebb and flow in their respective mass support and revolving around the ways of communicating political change. To that end, I collect data from the official Facebook pages of the four main Italian parties, downloading posts they published in the period 2013–2019 via the Netvizz application, and I analyse the four corresponding textual corpora through the technique of Topic Modelling. On such bases, the article finds the overall configuration of the political discourse of Italian parties to be aptly described by a model comprising 16 topics, equally divided into ‘partisan’ and ‘cross-cutting’ ones, with the former having a slight edge in terms of diffusion. The four parties differ among themselves by the topics they focus on and by the quantity of topics they choose to include sizably in their streams of communication.

scholarly journals The 15-M Movement and the New Media: A Case Study of How New Themes Were Introduced into Spanish Political Discourse

2012 ◽  
Vol 144 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreu Casero-Ripollés ◽  
Ramón A. Feenstra
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
News Production ◽  
Innovative Strategy ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Production And Distribution

The 15-M Movement, driven by mass mobilisations calling for the regeneration of the political system in May 2011, has had a profound impact on Spanish political discourse. This article analyses the changes in news production and distribution resulting from the example set by this social movement. The introduction of news using social media outside the boundaries established by the journalistic and political elites represents an innovative strategy to bring the movement's demands on to the mainstream media agenda, and to instigate monitoring processes.

The Republic after Berlusconi: Some reflections on historiography, politics and the political use of history in post-1994 Italy

Modern Italy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Orsina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

The Italian political crisis of 1993–1994 and the new political dynamics to which it gave rise, and which persist today, have strongly shaped both public debate and historiographical reflection on the Italian Republic. This article assesses the impact of the political changes of the post-1994 period (and notably Berlusconi's entry into politics) on the debate over the so-called First Republic, with regard to: Italian national identity in the post-Fascist period; the functioning of the political system, especially in relation to the role of the political parties; anti-Fascism and its internal divisions; communism and anti-communism.

La denuncia della corruzione in Spagna come mezzo di accesso al potere (1989-1996)

2009 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Recio Glicerio Sánchez ◽  
Calero Francisco Sevillano
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dirty War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Office ◽  
The Government ◽  
Second Period

- This article examines the public denunciation of political life in Spain during the second period of the long years of PSOE government, presided over by Felipe González from 1982 to 1996. During those years, with a consolidated democracy in place, the main opposition party, the conservative PP, called on the socialist leaders to deal with the corruption among those holding political office - particularly from the beginning of 1989. Not only did the denunciation of the various cases of corruption and of the "dirty war" against ETA terrorism occupy the political agenda as a means of challeng-ing and discrediting the government, but it also led to a "corrosion" of the political discourse that had characterized the democratic transition in Spain. With regard to these events in recent political life in Spain, the article emphasizes that political scandal is a slightly different phenomenon from corruption, understood as an abuse of the law that undermines the political system.

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