scholarly journals “I Danmarks Interesse”. Minerydningen pa den jyske vestkyst 1945

Author(s):  
John V. Jensen

John V. Jensen: In Denmark’s Interest … Mine clearing on Jutland’s west coast 1945 The article is about mine clearing on Jutland’s west coast in 1945. The mine clearing started shortly after the German capitulation. It was unusual because German soldiers were forced to do the work, which, with a few exceptions, was completed on 1 October 1945. The work cost the lives of around 150 German soldiers and wounded even more. In the many years that followed, the perception was that, despite the loss of German lives, the mine clearing had been achieved in a satisfactory way. This perception faced criticism in 1998 with the claim that the mine clearing was a dark chapter in Denmark’s history, and that Danish war crimes had been committed. The German Wehrmacht surrendered to the Allies in Denmark on 4 May 1945, and it was the British liberation force that gave the order for the mines to be cleared. There is evidence to suggest that the political powers in Denmark may have drawn British attention to the mines on Jutland’s west coast. At any rate, the order to clear the mines was incorporated into the terms and conditions of the capitulation. Under the British command, the mines were to be cleared by German soldiers in as short a time as possible, while the Det Danske Pionerkommando (Danish Engineer Command Battalion) was tasked with supervising the clearing work. The article shows that this German-British-Danish collaboration was far from problematic. There were conflicts from the Danish side, especially in terms of sloppiness and laziness among its own inspectors, while the Pionerkommando’s more limited collaboration with the Germans, in terms of counting and subsequent checks, was apparently less strained than one would have expected. This perception was based on the erroneous assumption that it was the Danes who were in command of the German mine clearers. It has been claimed that the mine clearing work was achieved by forced labour. The article states that this is not as clear-cut as it sometimes has been claimed. It is quite obvious that the German soldiers, who were commandeered from the marched groups immediately after the liberation of Denmark, must to a great extent have been forced because of their training. However, there were supposedly also several volunteers among the later arrivals of mine clearers, even though they were less well trained. The work in Denmark was a way of avoiding the prison camps and an alternative to working, for example, in the coal mines in Germany. One argument is that the British, and especially the Danes, had a significant interest in the Germans not getting maimed or killed in the minefields, because as long as the Germans cleared the mines, it meant that Danes did not have to do the work. It is believed that this was the harsh logic of the times. It is believed without a doubt, that the high German losses are explained by the high speed, at which the mine clearing work was carried out. It was work that had to be done, and both the British and the Danish authorities were in agreement on that. However, notwithstanding the tempo, the task’s complexity, the Germans’ work methods and relative inexperience played a role. The article questions whether there actually were any Danish war crimes. From a British (and a Danish) perspective, there were not any German prisoners of war, but military units, which had capitulated and whose labour could be exploited, for example, for mine clearing without there being any conflict with international conventions. In that sense, there were no war crimes. However, be it soldier or war prisoner, the losses remain the same.The contemporary material paints a different and more detailed picture than has been shown up until now and shows that the history of the mine clearing is less clear-cut and more complex than supposed. The tension between Danes and Germans was nowhere near as pronounced as posterity would have it, and internal Danish factors and the relationship with the British also played a role, thereby downplaying the revenge motive, which otherwise has been used to explain the German loss of life. The Danish and German soldiers had an important common interest. This has been overlooked and undermines the explanation that there were revenge and inhumanity. This revenge motive is perhaps to be found in particular outside the ranks of the soldiers, whether Danish, German or British: for example, in the wider Danish population, who conversely had nothing to do with the mine clearing.The mutual interest between the Germans, the British and the Danes was expressed precisely in a written statement from Pionerkommandoet to the ‘Jydsk-fynske Kommando’ (Jutland-Fyn Command) on 14 June 1945: “It is also in Denmark’s interests that the Germans clear the mines, and that we [the Danes] are not forced to do it ourselves”.

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thorvaldur Gylfason

Sweden has a long and distinguished tradition in economics, beginning with Knut Wicksell and continuing with Gustav Cassel, Eli Heckscher, Erik Lindahl, Gunnar Myrdal, Bertil Ohlin, and Erik Lundberg, all of whom are now gone. Yet, for several of these men, economics was not enough: Wicksell spoke out on moral issues and served time in jail, and Myrdal was for many years a high official at the United Nations and, briefly, a cabinet minister, as was Ohlin, who made his mark at home primarily as leader of the opposition in a country governed mostly by Social Democrats, serving in parliament for 32 years. For Assar Lindbeck, however, economics has been broad enough: he has devoted a long and distinguished career to economics, and to economics alone, with unfailing enthusiasm and energy over half a century. Not that he was not wanted elsewhere: over the years, he has declined challenging job offers from an international organization and a Swedish daily newspaper, to name but two examples, as well as from universities outside Sweden. Assar has managed to harness his varied and wide-ranging talents within the many mansions of economics. He is one of the most versatile economists of his generation. Indeed, he is one of the few who, for clarity, need to divide their bibliography into categories by subject: Macroeconomics and monetary economics, Public economics, Labor economics, International economics, Economic systems and economic structures, Methodology and history of economic thought, and Swedish economy. His work on these different subjects has ranged from pure theory to applied policy-oriented and empirical studies. In addition to the numerous scientific publications listed at the end of this interview, his bibliography includes nearly 200 articles for magazines and newspapers. His ivory tower has always been equipped with a high-speed elevator. But, as he points out in the conversation to follow, all his research work, as well as his journalism, is driven by an overarching interest in bettering economic policy and organization—in other words, boosting economic and social efficiency for the purpose of lifting ordinary people's standard of life. This has been, and remains, a guiding principle—a Leitmotiv, if you prefer—from which he has never swerved. Assar Lindbeck is a towering figure in Swedish economics and in Swedish national life.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (S24) ◽  
pp. 165-185
Author(s):  
Takuma Melber

AbstractDuring World War II, Japan, as occupying power, mobilized thousands of labourers in South East Asia. While the history of Allied prisoners of war (POWs) deployed as forced labourers on the Burma-Siam “Death Railway” is well known, the coercive labour recruitment of local inhabitants as so-called rōmusha has, until today, remained an almost completely untold story. This article introduces rōmusha, with a particular focus on the Burma-Siam Railway, and presents the methods used by the occupying powers to recruit local inhabitants in Java, Malaya, and Singapore, initially as volunteers, and increasingly using force. We look, too, at the tactics and strategies of avoidance the locals were able to deploy. The article offers insights into the poor working conditions on the railway, discusses the body count, and gives an idea of the huge impact of the forced labour recruitment not only in economic terms, but also in terms of the effect it had on the social structure at both the micro and macro levels.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-291
Author(s):  
Petr Charvát

The paper is on the history of the Northwestern Caucasus between the turn of the eras and the 13th century. From among the many ethnic groups inhabiting this region since the times of Greek and Roman Antiquity, the Alans were probably the best known. Settling down first in the submontane tracts of the Northern Caucasus, they gradually ascended the accessible valleys and rendered themselves as masters of the whole area north of the Caucasus main ridge. Constantly having to find their way between the ambitions of Byzantium and the Khazar Khanate of the steppes, the Northwestern Caucasians successfully exploited the region’s natural resources and engaged in long-distance trade along a side artery of the Silk Road. In the 10th century, Alans embraced Christianity and created their own state, a staunch ally of Byzantium. Alania perished in consequence of the Mongol invasion at the beginning of the 13th century. Most of its inhabitants followed their new masters into Central Asia, some have found new homes in Byzantium, Hungary and their vicinity.


Author(s):  
Renaud Morieux

War captivity is an ideal observatory to address three interrelated questions. First, I argue that in order to understand what a prisoner of war was in the eighteenth century, from a legal viewpoint, we must forget what we know about this notion, as it has been shaped by twentieth-century international conventions. In the eighteenth century, the distinction between a prisoner of war, a hostage, a criminal and a slave was not always clear-cut, in theory and even more so in practice. Second, war captivity tells us something important about the eighteenth-century state, how it transformed itself, and why it endured. The third approach is a social history of international relations. The aim here is to understand how eighteenth-century societies were impacted by war: how the detention of foreign enemies on home soil revealed and challenged social values, representations, hierarchies, and practices. The book’s argument hinges on the experience of prisoners of war as the pivot of social relations within and outside the prison, between Britons and French and between prisoners and host communities. War does not simply destroy society, but it also creates new sorts of social ties.The book addresses a wide range of topics, such as the ethics of war, philanthropy, forced migrations, the sociology of the prison and the architecture of detention places. One of its strengths is the sheer magnitude and diversity of the archival material used, in English and in French, most of which have been little explored by other historians.


Author(s):  
Jan Rüger

How should we think of the relationship between Europe and the British empire? Much of the public debate in the recent past has suggested a clear-cut answer: the empire prevented Britain from being drawn ‘into Europe’; it was thanks to its imperial possessions that the United Kingdom could afford not to play a more active European role. Empire and Europe, in short, presented opposite poles in Britain’s engagement with the world. The essay challenges this widely held assumption. It investigates the many ways in which European and imperial experiences were bound up with each other in British life. By doing so, it explores strategies for writing the British empire into European history and European history into the imperial British past.


Inner Asia ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-34
Author(s):  
Junko Miyawaki–okada

AbstractMost members of the Japanese public today, when hearing the words Mongols or Mongolia, immediately think of three different tales: 1) That the forefathers of the Japanese Imperial Family were the horsemen of the Mongolian Plateau, who came through the Korean Peninsula to conquer Japan; 2) that Chinggis Khan, the founder of the Mongol Empire, was really Minamoto no Yoshitsune, a Japanese general; and 3) that the Mongol invasion of the thirteenth century failed because of a typhoon caused by a Divine Wind (kamikaze), which saved Japan from Mongolian subjugation. Each of these three stories emerged to fill the psychological requirements of national pride in the times after Japan experienced the modernisation process launched by the Meiji Restoration in 1868. These can be seen as a Japanese version of The Invention of Tradition famously described by Hobsbawm and Ranger. The second of these tales was also born in England. Kenchō Suyematsu, 1855–1920, was ordered to study in England at national expense in 1878–86. He wrote a book in English, The Identity of the great conqueror Genghis Khan with the Japanese hero Yoshitsune, An historical thesis, and published it in London in 1879. Suyemastu’s arguments for the identity of Chinggis Khan with Minamoto no Yoshitsune are all absurd. Nevertheless, in 1924 after the Japanese dispatch of troops to Siberia, there appeared a study by Mataichirō Oyabe entitled, Genghis Khan is Gen Gi–kei (Jingisu Kan wa Gen Gi–kei nari) packed with the abundant results of numerous field surveys, which became a runaway best seller. This paper aims to explain why the Japanese became so particularly interested in the Mongols, among the many Asian nations of the Asian Continent, and why they displayed such enthusiasm about the Mongols, but not the Chinese, in relating connections with the history of the past.


1953 ◽  
Vol 46 (8) ◽  
pp. 575-577

The binary system as a special case of the generalized problem of scales of notation has had a sudden resurgence of popularity. This is largely due to its use in modern high-speed electronic calculators and in new developments in the theory of “information” and “communication.”1 However, this new utility of the binary system arrived at the same time that an even greater emphasis was being placed on “meaning” and “understanding” in the teaching of mathematics. In arithmetic (and algebra) many teachers have felt that understanding of our number system was enhanced, and in some cases first achieved, through a study of numbers written to some base other than ten. These two motives, utilitarian and pedagogical, have led to several articles on the history of the binary system and related topics,2 but it seems that none of them have stressed several additional pedagogical values to be derived from a proper survey of the historical background of scales of notation. This topic is not only intrinsically inter esting, but it also illustrates well the role of generalization and abstraction in mathematics, the roles of necessity and intellectual curiosity in mathematical invention, a few of the many connections between mathematics and philosophy and religion, and the interesting phenomenon of simultaneity in discovery which recurs so often in the history of mathematics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Diletta Marchesi

In July 2020 the International Criminal Court opened the trial in the Al Hassan case. For the first time in the history of international criminal justice a defendant is being tried with the charge of the war crime of sentencing or execution without due process in the context of a non-international armed conflict. Together with its equivalent in international armed conflicts – the war crime of denying a fair trial – this offence falls within the category of the war crimes of denying judicial guarantees. Although there are differences in their constitutive elements, both offences prohibit states and armed non-state actors from depriving prisoners of war and civilians of certain minimum judicial guarantees. The provisions that regulate these two crimes, however, present interpretative and practical issues which, so far, have not received sufficient consideration. Most notably, the material elements of the offences raise a range of interpretative doubts and are of cumbersome application. The objectives of the article are (i) to identify the issues posed by the material elements of the war crimes of denying judicial guarantees, (ii) to warn of the pitfalls hidden by the interpretation of the offences, and (iii) to trigger the debate on the issues that the crimes raise.


Author(s):  
Oleg Bostanjoglo ◽  
Peter Thomsen-Schmidt

Thin GexTe1-x (x = 0.15-0.8) were studied as a model substance of a composite semiconductor film, in addition being of interest for optical storage material. Two complementary modes of time-resolved TEM were used to trace the phase transitions, induced by an attached Q-switched (50 ns FWHM) and frequency doubled (532 nm) Nd:YAG laser. The laser radiation was focused onto the specimen within the TEM to a 20 μm spot (FWHM). Discrete intermediate states were visualized by short-exposure time doubleframe imaging /1,2/. The full history of a transformation was gained by tracking the electron image intensity with photomultiplier and storage oscilloscopes (space/time resolution 100 nm/3 ns) /3/. In order to avoid radiation damage by the probing electron beam to detector and specimen, the beam is pulsed in this continuous mode of time-resolved TEM,too.Short events ( <2 μs) are followed by illuminating with an extended single electron pulse (fig. 1c)


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence B. Leonard

Purpose The current “specific language impairment” and “developmental language disorder” discussion might lead to important changes in how we refer to children with language disorders of unknown origin. The field has seen other changes in terminology. This article reviews many of these changes. Method A literature review of previous clinical labels was conducted, and possible reasons for the changes in labels were identified. Results References to children with significant yet unexplained deficits in language ability have been part of the scientific literature since, at least, the early 1800s. Terms have changed from those with a neurological emphasis to those that do not imply a cause for the language disorder. Diagnostic criteria have become more explicit but have become, at certain points, too narrow to represent the wider range of children with language disorders of unknown origin. Conclusions The field was not well served by the many changes in terminology that have transpired in the past. A new label at this point must be accompanied by strong efforts to recruit its adoption by clinical speech-language pathologists and the general public.


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