scholarly journals Diplomatisk aktivitet i avisen – Nyhedsredigering af internationale relationer

Author(s):  
Peter Bro

The diplomatic contact between Denmark and other countries are not limited to ambassades and governmental relations. Diplomacyis increasingly created through the media and media play their own role in diplomacy. Diplomacy is created in editorial meetings, with editorial staff in a central role, and with the participation of many different actors – from terrorists to journalists. This historic development creates new challenges for both members of the press and politicians.

Author(s):  
Yelena G. Ivashchenko

This article is describing the main genre forms used in the local periodicals in the 1930s. It talks about both the journalistic genres themselves (notes, editorials, reports), and the genres of business communication (orders, decisions, bylaws, etc.) that played a signifi cant role in the press of those years. The article also considers the genres of "letters" (in its genre variations), the "heroic list" and the "black list". The article analyses the factors that infl uenced creation of the genre palette of the media, including the perception of journalism as means of propaganda, the need to solve production tasks facing collective farms, state farms and machine and tractor stations, insuffi cient journalistic skills of editorial staff. The research is based on local periodicals of the Amur Region in 1934.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 39-64
Author(s):  
Magnus Tomas Kėvišas ◽  
Arūnas Brazauskas ◽  
Violeta Nedzveckienė ◽  
Milda Myštautaitė

It is often maintained that there is no one consistent mass media policy in Lithuania. There are, indeed, many mechanisms of state financial aid and support, and the allocation of funds itself is rather inconsistent and accidental. There is no data or information available as to how the strengths and weaknesses of the particular mechanisms created and aid/funding opportunities available are perceived by the target audience of such efforts – the staff of the editorial boards of the news outlets and the particular business owners. Having conducted a questionaire-based study and a series of in-depth structured interviews with selected typical representatives from the industry, here we delineate the perception: the editorial staff maintain that the most impactful mechanism of allocating state support for the press are direct payments, especially those distributed by the Lithuanian Media Support Foundation, though the principles regulating its decision-making should be amended so as to allow for more transparency. One should also ensure that whatever is being funded has a case for continuity, sustainability and long-term future in regard to its activities. Additionally, especially inasmuch as any allocation of funds is related to an attempt to ensure the long-term success of democratic governance, the funding is to be targeted at local news rather than national or international news. These findings are shown to be comparable to tendencies observed abroad.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guo-Qiang Zhang ◽  
Sidney Kraus

This content analysis of Chinese newspapers before and after the Tiananmen Square protest examines the symbolic representation of the Student Movement of 1989 in China. The study reveals that top leaders manipulated symbols given to the media and that these symbols rigorously highlighted the dominant ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and isolated the movement participants. Officials attempted to legitimize the military suppression of the movement. The press construction of public opinion echoed the hegemonic process created and maintained by the party structure.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT SAMET

AbstractDespite recent attention to the relationship between the media and populist mobilisation in Latin America, there is a misfit between the everyday practices of journalists and the theoretical tools that we have for making sense of these practices. The objective of this article is to help reorient research on populism and the press in Latin America so that it better reflects the grounded practices and autochthonous norms of the region. To that end, I turn to the case of Venezuela, and a practice that has been largely escaped attention from scholars – the use of denuncias.


Author(s):  
Elena Nikolaevna Malik

The article reveals the role of the institute of mass media on the processes of forming political consciousness and socio-political guidelines of young citizens in modern Russia. The problems of hygiene of media policy, media literacy and improving the information culture of young people remain relevant and archival, given the new challenges of world politics and the geopolitical situation. The author argues that media education technologies to increase the media literacy of young citizens contribute to the realization of their socio-political subjectivity and initiative in the interests of the state and civil society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 00 (00) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Ana Balda

This article interrogates the reputation, prevalent to this day, of Balenciaga as being anti-advertising and anti-media, according to some of his contemporary journalists as well as some of his employees and clients. The study contextualizes Balenciaga in the framework of the influence of the fashion press and the reality of the French couture licensing business in the North American fashion market from 1937 to 1968, his years on the international scene. Based on the analysis of the issues of Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar and Women’s Wear Daily for the same period, the research demonstrates that the designer had not always been so scornful of the media. He really was a discreet man, but this does not mean he hated the press, as his designs often appeared in the most influential fashion magazines. The article argues that the negative view in the media’s perception of him was generalized after his veto to the press in January 1956 – a decision he took for business reasons – and was retroactively attributed to his entire professional life.


2021 ◽  
pp. 31-39
Author(s):  
Petar VODENICHAROV

The paper is provoked by the rejection and falsification of the messages of the Istanbul Convention in Bulgaria and other post-communist countries which caused a wave of homophobia. The author tries to prove that neither in the communist period nor in the post-communist period a real emancipation of women was achieved, the theme of homosexuality was a taboo (in the communist period), over-presented in the first decade of the transition and later stigmatize by the rise of the populist nationalistic discourse. During the communist period, the so called “Unions of the fighters against fascism” turned into the male clientelistic networks granted with many privileges and marginalizing female antifascists. The critical discourse analysis of the press (1976) reveals male dominance and silencing of women playing mostly a decorative role. After the democratic changes the same male actors (nomenclature and former state security officers) benefited from the privatization, but the so called “mugs” (wrestlers) presented the new masculinity in the media: women were extremely sexualized and the new femininity was presented by the prostitutes and the girls in the entertaining industry, the professional women were rarely mentioned. The second part of the paper is a gender analysis of the lexical and grammatical system of the Bulgarian language. The analysis of the dominating metaphors reveals the means of male dominance in the everyday speech. Although the Slav languages have morphemes to denote women’s professions the media discourse prefers the male forms as more prestigious. The definite article and the plural forms serve to emphasise the male forms and to provide their euphony.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-53
Author(s):  
Marlou Schrover ◽  
Tycho Walaardt

This article analyses newspaper coverage, government policies and policy practices during the 1956 Hungarian refugee crisis. There were surprisingly few differences between newspapers in the coverage of this refugee migration, and few changes over time. The role of the press was largely supportive of government policies, although the press did criticise the selection of refugees. According to official government guidelines, officials should not have selected, but in practice this is what they attempted to do. The refugees who arrived in the Netherlands did not live up to the image the press, in its supportive role, had created: there were too few freedom fighters, women and children. This article shows that the press had an influence because policy makers did make adjustments. However, in practice selection was not what the media assumed it was, and the corrections were not what the media had aimed for.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.


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