scholarly journals Europæiske partiers partifamilier og politiske ideologi

Politik ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Malthe Munkøe

In day-to-day politics as well as in the field of political science we make frequent use of such terms as Liberal, Social Democrat and Conservative, thus implicitly assuming that we can derive the political positions of a party simply by looking at the party family it belongs to. These labels grew out of a series of political processes in the eighteenth century, and it is therefore questionable whether they have retained their relevance in a time where voter dealignment is commonplace, parties tend to be less ideological and less attached to certain classes or societal groups, and new issues have come to the forefront of political debate. Using a new dataset compiled during the 2009 European Parliament election, it is studied whether the parties belonging to the same party families still have roughly similar ideological attitudes, or party families today are too fragmented politically to constitute a useful analytical concept. The study finds that party families generally speaking are characterized by a relatively high degree of internal cohesion. However, on certain questions many party families do not exhibit a high degree of coherence, indicating that the degree of coherence has decreased with the advent of new political issues. Also, the liberal party family exhibits very low degrees of coherence, and it is questionable whether the liberal parties in fact have enough in common to justify categorizing them under the same ideological heading. 

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Winfried Osthorst

Academic and political debate places great expectations on cities’ potential for furthering decentralized, bottom-up climate policies. Local policy research acknowledges the role of local agency to develop and implement sustainability, but also acknowledges internal conflicts. This partly reflects tensions between different functions of the local level, and different governance models related to them. In addition, local dependency on higher level competencies, resources, and overarching strategies is discussed. This article proposes a focus on political processes and power relationships between levels of governance, and among relevant domains within cities, to understand the dynamics of policy change towards sustainability. Researching these dynamics within local climate policy arrangements (LCPAs) is proposed as an approach to understanding the complexities of local constellations and contradictions within them. It makes the distinction between “weak” and “strong” ecological modernization, and relates it to two basic rationales for local governance. The resulting typology denotes constellations characterizing policy change ambitions towards local climate policy in crucial domains, including economic development, energy infrastructures, climate change management, town planning and housing, and transportation. This article argues that this approach overcomes the limitations of the predominating conceptualizations of urban carbon control strategies as consistent, and recognises the multi-level dimension of such internal urban processes.


1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry McGill

The full story of the 1918 election can never be told, although its importance as a watershed is, and was at the time, undoubted. Private papers have disappeared and fire destroyed records of the Local Government Board and Home Office. An especially interesting kind of record, the expenditure of candidates, was not even collected, and no questions were raised about this until it was too late.Churchill was among those who understood that “an election is to be fought, the result of which will profoundly affect political relationships and political issues for several years to come ….” Recent scholarship has concentrated on the divisions within the Liberal Party prior to the election, the special questions of Ireland and of National Democratic Party candidates, and “the stages” by which the drama unfolded in the autumn of 1918. But there has been no explanation of the timing: why did Lloyd George wait so long, and, having waited so long, why did he hurry into a December election, knowing the problems of voter registration and the signs of apathy and even hostility to an election? Moreover, all the discussion of why “coupons” were awarded as they were has obscured the difficulty of planning a coalition program, which was the precondition of any allocation of “coupons.”The constraints upon Lloyd George went back to 1916. From the moment he succeeded Asquith he was “a Prime Minister without a party.” His claim to have 136 Liberal supporters in the Commons was never substantiated by a name list or verified in the division lobbies.


AMBIO ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabaheta Ramcilovic-Suominen ◽  
Sophia Carodenuto ◽  
Constance McDermott ◽  
Juha Hiedanpää

AbstractBalancing agendas for climate mitigation and environmental justice continues to be one of the key challenges in climate change governance mechanisms, such as Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+). In this paper we apply the three-dimensional environmental justice framework as a lens to examine the REDD+ process in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Laos) and the REDD+ social safeguards. We focus particularly on challenges to justice faced by marginalized communities living in forest frontier areas under an authoritarian regime. Drawing on policy analysis and open-ended interviews across different policy levels, we explore procedural, distributional, and recognitional justice across the REDD+ policy levels in Laos. We find that REDD+ social safeguards have been applied by both donors and state actors in ways that facilitate external control. We underscore how authoritarian regime control over civil society and ethnic minority groups thwarts justice. We also highlight how this political culture and lack of inclusiveness are used by donors and project managers to implement their projects with little political debate. Further obstacles to justice relate to limitations inherent in the REDD+ instrument, including tight schedules for dealing with highly sensitive socio-political issues under social safeguards. These findings echo other research but go further in questioning the adequacy of safeguards to promote justice under a nationally driven REDD+. We highlight the importance of recognition and political context, including aspects such as power relations, self-determination and self-governance of traditional or customary structures, in shaping justice outcomes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seda Yilmaz ◽  
Shanna R. Daly ◽  
Colleen M. Seifert ◽  
Richard Gonzalez

Research supports the central role cognitive strategies can play in successful concept generation by individual designers. Design heuristics have been shown to facilitate the creation of new design concepts in the early, conceptual stage of the design process, as well as throughout the development of ideas. However, we know relatively little about their use in differing disciplines. This study examined evidence of design heuristic use in a protocol study with 12 mechanical engineers and 12 industrial designers who worked individually to develop multiple concepts. The open-ended design problem was for a novel product, and the designers’ sketches and comments were recorded as they worked on the problem for 25 min and in a retrospective interview. The results showed frequent use of design heuristics in both disciplines and a significant relationship to the rated creativity of the concepts. Though industrial designers used more heuristics in their concepts, there was a high degree of similarity in heuristic use. Some differences between design disciplines were observed in the choice of design heuristics, where industrial designers showed a greater emphasis on user experience, environmental contexts, and added features. These findings demonstrate the prevalence of design heuristics in individual concept generation and their effectiveness in generating creative concepts, across two design domains.


Author(s):  
Brian A. Polin ◽  
Marvin D. Troutt ◽  
William Acar

We review the evolving literature on globalization with three aims in mind. First, we introduce the concept of globalization within the context of supply chain management. Second, with an eye toward information that may be useful for supply chain planners, we detail the motivation for global integration of the supply chain. Our third aim is to address global supply-chain issues that may be at odds with cost-minimizing strategies. Specifically, in this time of political debate regarding trade legislation, these issues involve the consideration of country of origin when sourcing, and the disparate demands of customers when marketing. A country offering inexpensive components may be associated with poor quality. Thus, despite inexpensive inputs, the overall profitability of the supply chain may suffer as perceived quality deteriorates. Similarly, a largely standardized product across multiple markets may present the lowest cost alternative from a production standpoint, but a high degree of standardization may reduce the attractiveness of the product in the eyes of the end consumer, and reduce overall profitability.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019145372096217
Author(s):  
Mariano Croce

In the existing literature on depoliticization, the increasing use of law as a medium to tackle social and political issues is deemed to be detrimental to the legitimacy of political processes. Against this view, I argue that this trend – which some scholars call ‘juridification’ – can be key to giving life to new forms of politics. First, I show why juridification is a political more than a legal process. Second, I illustrate recent critiques of the dangers inherent in the particular type of juridification that involves the growing use of rights. Third, while concurring with these critiques, I make the case that other facets of juridification are often underrated that can ignite a novel kind of politics. On this account, I go on by elaborating on the idea of self-organization of social groups vis-à-vis the state that is entailed in this notion of politics. Finally, I discuss the recognition of non-conventional family networks to exemplify how a politics of juridification could work. The conclusion is that, while juridification calls for a thorough revision of the tasks of politics, it does not thwart it. Rather, traditional representative politics could and should take stock of how it involves social actors in the creation of new bodies of regulation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (5) ◽  
pp. 1382-1400
Author(s):  
Wanja Astvik ◽  
Jonas Welander ◽  
Robert Larsson

Abstract Extensive staff turnover within the statutory social services is a serious problem in Sweden and in other European countries. This study examines which work conditions predict social workers’ willingness to stay in their organisation. A web-based questionnaire was used to gather data. The participating social workers responded to two questionnaires over a one-year period. To identify the social workers who wanted to stay and also remained in the organisation, the group ‘Stayers’ (n = 1,368) consisted of social workers who reported low intentions to quit at T1. The group ‘Leavers’ (n = 1,182) were social workers who had actually resigned at T2. The data were analysed using univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses. The multivariate analysis shows that the work conditions that predicted staying in the organisation were low degrees of conflicting demands and quantitative demands, high degrees of openness and human resource orientation in the organisation and a high degree of perceived service quality. The results are discussed in relation to public management and managerial responsibility to create sustainable work conditions that facilitate the provision of good social services for citizens.


Minerals ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjorn von der Heyden ◽  
Alakendra Roychoudhury ◽  
Satish Myneni

Naturally-occurring iron nanoparticles constitute a quantitatively-important and biogeochemically-active component of the broader Earth ecosystem. Yet detailed insights into their chemical speciation is sparse compared to the body of work conducted on engineered Fe nanoparticles. The present contribution briefly reviews the analytical approaches that can be used to characterize natural Fe nanoparticles, before detailing a dedicated synchrotron-based X-ray spectro-microscopic investigation into the speciation of suspended Fe nanoparticles collected from fluvial, marine, and lacustrine surface waters. Ferrous, ferric and magnetite classes of Fe nanoparticles (10–100 nm) were identified, and all three classes exhibited a high degree of heterogeneity in the local bonding environment around the Fe center. The heterogeneity is attributed to the possible presence of nanoparticle aggregates, and to the low degrees of crystallinity and ubiquitous presence of impurities (Al and organic moieties) in natural samples. This heterogeneity further precludes a spectroscopic distinction between the Fe nanoparticles and the larger sized Fe-rich particles that were evaluated. The presented results provide an important baseline for natural nanoparticle speciation in pristine aquatic systems, highlight the degree of inter-particle variability, which should be parameterized in future accurate biogeochemical models, and may inform predictions of the fate of released engineered Fe nanoparticles as they evolve and transform in natural systems.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyunhee Cho

This article uses well-received contemporary scholarship—works by Iris Young, Nancy Fraser, Morva McDonald, Connie North, and Geneva Gay—to illuminate a high degree of coherence among the substantive meanings of social justice, teaching for social justice, and multicultural education. Based on these relationships, the article suggests that social justice is an inherent feature and goal of multicultural education, and the discourses between teaching for social justice and multicultural education should be mutually associated with one another to more effectively promote social justice. The article closes by outlining personal literacy that has the potential to enrich research and practice in multicultural education.


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