scholarly journals The Political Translations of Monteiro Lobato and Carlos Lacerda

2004 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Milton ◽  
Eliane Euzebio

Abstract This article examines the connection between translation and politics, concentrating on a specific period in Brazilian history, the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas, from 1930 to 1945, and then from 1950 to 1954. It initially looks at the link between fiscal policy and translation. It then analyzes the translations, or rather, adaptations, of Peter Pan and Don Quixote, by the Brazilian writer and publisher, Monteiro Lobato. The final section of the paper will describe the situation surrounding the translation of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar by the Brazilian politician, Carlos Lacerda, governor of the state of Guanabara (greater Rio de Janeiro) (1960-1965).

2011 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 887-914 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK DINCECCO ◽  
GIOVANNI FEDERICO ◽  
ANDREA VINDIGNI

We examine the relationships between warfare, taxation, and political change in the context of the political unification of the Italian peninsula. Using a comprehensive new database, we argue that external and internal threat environments had significant implications for the demand for military strength, which in turn had important ramifications for fiscal policy and the likelihood of constitutional reform and related improvements in the provision of nonmilitary public services. Our analytic narrative complements recent theoretical and econometric works about state capacity. By emphasizing public finances, we also uncover novel insights about the forces underlying state formation in Italy.“The budget is the skeleton of the state, stripped of any misleading ideologies.”Sociologist Rudolf Goldscheid, 19261


Author(s):  
Gary Milante ◽  
Michael Woolcock

While in principle fiscal policy in all countries is a central component of the “long route of accountability” binding citizens and the state, in fragile states the political dynamics shaping the extent to which this “route” does in fact deliver incrementally better key services (such as security and health) to citizens—and for which citizens, in turn, give the state due credit—are highly fraught. Using five governance measures across two time periods (2005–10, 2010–15), we document the wide array of pathways by which the fiscal policy space can and does change and can lead to variants in outcomes. The absence of a clear singular empirical story connecting fiscal policy to effective outcomes suggests the limits of what can be asked of aggregate governance measures in providing context-specific policy guidance in fragile situations; such measures need to be closely accompanied by solid theory, experience and context-specific knowledge.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-317
Author(s):  
Avigail Eisenberg

Abstract This paper examines the shift in how religious freedom is understood from a matter of protecting individual choice to a matter identity. According to the choice approach, the state must protect the individual’s freedom to choose but it cannot be expected to bear the costs of the religious choices citizens make. The identity approach treats the claims individuals and groups make about their religious commitments as non-negotiable facts rather than choices and considers the failure of the state to protect these commitments as unjust because it exposes the individual to disrespect and disadvantage, and stigmatizes and excludes them from full membership in the polity. This paper examines the political context in which the identity approach has emerged in the last 50 years. It then examines three implications of this shift from choice to identity for the protection of religious freedom. Such a shift 1) enhances the capacity of courts to address claims of historical injustice, 2) leads courts to focus on the religious practices of groups rather than individuals, and 3) increases the pressure on courts to assess the authenticity of religious beliefs and practices. These implications lead to significant challenges for public institutions, which are discussed in the final section of the paper.


Author(s):  
John Milton

This paper examines the role of the Brazilian writer Monteiro Lobato in the growth of the book industry in Brazil, concentrating on his translations of children's literature. Lobato revolutionized the book industry in Brazil by introducing more commercial techniques and by marketing his books to social classes that were not used to buying books. Lobato also uses his translations to introduce critiques of Brazil in the 1930s, particularly the political and economic closure of the Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas. Indeed, the criticisms voiced in Peter Pan resulted in Lobato's spending three months in jail in 1941.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 1-7

The political traditions of Rome were hostile to monarchy, or to the domination of the state by one man, whatever title he bore. The last of the line of kings of early Rome was driven into exile, and the first and only perpetual dictator, Julius Caesar, was assassinated, both in the name of liberty.The constitution of the early Principate was created by Augustus and basically retained the shape he gave it; his actions and motives receive special attention here. The Augustan constitution was a disguised monarchy. Augustus, with the malum exemplum of his adoptive father Caesar before him, shaped a constitution that looked like that of the old Republic, and apparently let it be known to Romans that they were witnessing the return of the old Republic. Velleius Paterculus, propagandist and spokesman for the Augustan regime and its successor, said of the events of 28-27 B.C.: ‘the pristine form of the republic was recalled as of old’ (2.89). Augustus’ own claim in the Res Gestae is less extravagant but conveys the same message: ‘I transferred the republic from my power to the dominion of the senate and the people of Rome’ (34.1).


Author(s):  
Paul D. Williams

This chapter analyses AMISOM’s challenges in Mogadishu after Ethiopia’s withdrawal. The first section summarizes conflict dynamics in Mogadishu while the second examines the state of AMISOM’s main partner: the second iteration of the Transitional Government under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It focuses on the government’s (failed) attempts to build an effective set of security forces and some of the challenges this posed for AMISOM. The third section analyses the UN Security Council’s decision to establish a Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA) in 2009, in order to provide AMISOM with better logistical support. The final section discusses how during the second half of 2010 the political and military balance began to tilt in AMISOM’s favour as a result of two major blunders made by al-Shabaab, namely, the decision to bomb civilian targets in Kampala, Uganda, and the failure of its 2010 Ramadan offensive in Mogadishu.


Human Affairs ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabína Jankovičová ◽  
Magda Petrjánošová

AbstractThis paper is concerned with monumental art in Slovakia before and after the fall of Communism in 1989. Generally, art in public spaces is important, because it influences the knowledge and feelings the people who use this space have about the past and the present, and thus influences the shared social construction of who we are as a social group. In this article we concentrate on the period of Communism and the formal and iconographic aspects that were essential to art at that time. We also look at the political use of art—the ways in which explicit and implicit meanings and ideas were communicated through art to the general public. We touch also on the present situation regarding the perception of “Communist art”. In the final section we discuss the state of affairs of the last twenty years of chaotic freedom in the post-socialist era. On the one hand, since there is no real cultural politics or conception for artworks in public spaces at the level of the state many artworks simply disappear, often without public discussion, and on the other hand, some actors use their political power to build monuments that promote their private political views.


Author(s):  
Joana DArc Ferraz ◽  
Lucas Campos

The sites of memory, in Pierre Nora's perspective (1993), are spaces of eternalization of a memory's group that can no longer be spontaneously evoked by collective memory. There is a large dispute between the State and the social movements regarding the preservation of historical heritage that alludes to the Brazilian military-business coup (1964-1985) in Rio de Janeiro. We intend to think the political place of these sites of memories, consulting the patrimony of spaces and buildings which advocate for the coup and dictatorship, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The policy that has been practiced so far by the State can be defined as conciliatory. However, the social movements demand the insertion of their voices in these places, considering them, silenced or forgotten. We are interested in analyzing these disputes and how they reflect on society. Key words: Brazilian military-business dictatorship; memory; patrimony.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


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