scholarly journals Ombres et lumières sur les élections européennes des 7 et 10 juin 1979 : ébauche d’une première analyse des résultats

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-589
Author(s):  
Daniel Louis Seiler
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Second Step ◽  
Opinion Poll ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Will ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Clear Winner ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
European Election ◽  
Rules Of The Game

This article seeks to provide a first attempt at finding a way through the intricate jungle created by at least nine political Systems electing members for one Parliament. The analysis is divided into four steps. The first step considers the actors and the rules of the game and results in a clear conclusion : neither the rules (the electoral Systems) nor the actors (European political parties) allow for the expression of any kind of political will. The second step of the analysis deals with some generalizations about the so-called European trends of the election. The "nonvoters' party" appears as the clear winner. Moreover, this is the only common pattern observed in the nine countries. The third step is comprised of a country by country overview. Rather than referring to the European election, one should talk about at least elevent different elections each with a different set of issues. In terms of the issues, Denmark is the sole country where essentially European matters were in the forefront. In the other cases, the election of the MEP resembles an opinion poll designed especially to meet the needs of national leaders and parties. The article concludes by considering future developments. The real European elections will take place in 1984. What will happen from June 1979 until 1984 will be akin to rehersals for a play. The script seems well written and the dialogue is interesting. However, the actors (the parties) are untrained. The destiny of the performance will entirely depend on the actors.

Signs of Europeanization?: the 2014 EP election in European newspapers

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marinella Belluati
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
European Elections ◽  
European Public Sphere ◽  
European Public ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
European Election ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact

Taking into account the European public sphere and the EU democratic deficit theories, and utilizing the European elections as an evidence, this article demonstrates that despite appearances the European public sphere is showing signs of Europeanization. In the last European electoral campaign, the electorate has gained a more direct voice in the selection of the President of the European Commission. For the first time, EP parties (or party groups) have selected candidates for this position, hence structuring the electoral campaign and giving visibility to such candidates, as suggested by the European Parliament resolution document issued on 4 July 2013. Through political communication approaches, the article explores the impact these guidelines had in the domestic electoral strategies. It does so drawing on a comparative perspective approach. Descriptive content analysis tools are utilized to examine the online edition of articles related to the European election campaign in five European newspapers: The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais, La Stampa, and Süddeutche Zeitung. The research focused on (i) coverage of European campaign, (ii) main issues and topics of the electoral debate, (iii) visibility of European and national leaders, and (iv) impact of Eurosceptic perspective in the European election debate. Special attention is given to comparing the different journalistic approaches about gender balance and Euroscepticism. The results of this comparative analysis show a strengthening of the Europeanization of the public sphere.

Are European Election Campaigns Europeanized? The Case of the Party of European Socialists in 2009

2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Hertner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Level ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Type Model ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
European Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
British Labour ◽  
European Election

AbstractIn the past, European election campaigns have been fought primarily at national level, organized and led by national parties. The European political parties had neither the financial nor the organizational means to lead pan-European election campaigns. The June 2009 elections, however, highlighted a different and potentially significant trend: new EU regulations provided for the direct financing of European political parties, allowing them to campaign directly in the elections. It is argued that these developments could lead to the Europeanization of European elections campaigns. This article applies the concept of Europeanization to the election campaigns of the Party of European Socialists and three of its member parties: the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democrats, creating an ideal-type model of Europeanization. It concludes that in the three cases Europeanization is still in its infancy.

scholarly journals When do parties put Europe in the centre? Evidence from the 2019 European Parliament election campaign

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
National Level ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Integrated Model ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Media ◽  
Opposition Parties

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.

scholarly journals How Voters Distort their Perceptions and Why this Matters

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea De Angelis
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Ideal Point ◽  
Point Estimation ◽  
Perceptual Bias ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
Perceptual Distortions ◽  
European Election ◽  
Election Studies

Voters’ ability to perceive political parties’ positions on policy scales is a precondition for a functioning and responsive electoral democracy. Appropriate measures of policy distance are thus key to addressing the link between political parties and the citizens. This chapter reviews the scholarship on ideal point estimation, identifying the main methodological and substantial implications for empirical studies involving issue scales. Next, the chapter applies two-stage Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey scaling to European Election Studies data to find evidence of systematic perceptual distortions: right-wing voters perceive political parties as more progressive than they actually are, while knowledgeable voters perceive greater differences between parties. Perceptual bias is also shown to correlate with standard polarization measures based on perceived party positions.

scholarly journals Notes on the Study of Political Parties in the Third World

1994 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 659-694 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Crotty
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Theoretical Conception ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Historical Accounts

The research on political parties in developing nations is difficult to aggregate and to place in a comparative context. The reasons are many. The body of work is at best modest in size as well as uneven in focus, theoretical conception and empirical execution. Often comparative or more generalizable indicators and conclusions must be extracted from studies intended to clarify social developments over broad periods of time or, alternatively, within carefully set historical boundaries (the colonial; the transition from the colonial period to independence; post-independence developments; political conditions under specific national leaders, as examples). The efforts are broad stroke, primarily descriptive and usually interwoven with historical accounts and explanations of the social, economic and cultural factors that condition the life of a country. The range appears to run from megatheories-or, more accurately, broadly generalized interpretative sets of categorizations and conclusions applied to a region or a collection of countries (the research itself is seldom theoretically focused), supported by interpretative essays and expert, professionalized observation and background knowledge-to case studies of differing degrees of elaborateness. There is little in between.

Unis and Bna: the rôle of ‘Traditionalist’ parties in Niger, 1948–60

1975 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Fuglestad
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Traditional Culture ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Party Leaders

The institutional framework imposed upon Niger in 1946, tended to function according to traditional political concepts, norms, notions and values. Hence the distinction established in this paper between ‘traditionalist’ (UNIS/BNA) and ‘modern’ political parties, refers to the degree of reliance upon this traditional culture and also to the degree to which party-leaders were able to manipulate the norms, notions, etc., of the traditional political systems, in order to gain influence within the new institutional framework. The French Administration, functioning largely as an indigenous chieftaincy, was to a certain extent forced to interfere in politics, since an electoral victory for a ‘modern’ political party (i.e. the évolués) would have to be interpreted—according to the logic of traditional political theory—as a loss of the ‘force’, ‘power’ or ‘luck’, without which the French could no longer be regarded as the legitimate rulers of Niger.If the French finally decided to collaborate with the évolués (and in the process disentangled themselves from the ‘chieftaincy-model’), it was because the évolués constituted the only group capable of grasping the intricate problems of economic development and of running a modern state.

An Attempt to Position the German Political Parties on a Tree for 2013 and 2017

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-56
Author(s):  
Erich Prisner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Euclidean Space ◽  
Topological Model ◽  
Second Step ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Straight Line ◽  
Higher Dimensional

AbstractWe try to calculate the position of the six largest German political parties to each other in 2013 and 2017, based on data of Wahl-O-Mat, a German Voting Advice Application. Different to other existing approaches, we do not try to locate these parties in an Euclidean space, but rather on topological trees (with the straight line, the usual left-right model, being the simplest one). This approach has the advantage that – different to two- or higher dimensional spaces – our model allows betweenness information, keeping the parties linearly ordered at least at parts of the tree, with possible conclusions about center or periphery of the political landscape, and possible coalitions. We do not focus primarily on distance but after the topological model is found, we attempt to approximate these distances, in a second step.

scholarly journals Russian liberal thought and the formation of the modern theory of political parties

2020 ◽  
Vol 164 ◽  
pp. 11036
Author(s):  
Igor Andreev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
Modern Theory ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Scientific Methods ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Social Nature ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
General Scientific

The report highlights the little-explored aspects of the Russian liberal theory of political parties in the second half of the XIX – 30s of the XX centuries: the stages of its development, the philosophical foundations, and the innovative ideas of its main representatives. Analyzing the works of Russian liberal thinkers, the author used the methods of philosophical research, as well as approaches used in historical and political sciences, and also general scientific methods, such as logical and classification methods. The author distinguishes three stages in the development of the Russian liberal theory of political parties in this period: 1) 1858-1889; 2) 1889-1917); 3) 1917-1930s, which differ by subject of study (Russian or Western parties) and research tasks (preparing the conditions for the transition from authoritarianism to democracy or fighting against the totalitarian Communist system). The author notes the heterogeneity of the philosophical foundations of the Russian liberal theory of political parties, which included neo-Hegelianism, positivism, and even elements of Marxism. Among the most important achievements of Russian liberals, the author notes the study of the social nature and functions of party elites (Ostrogorski) and determining the place and role of the ruling parties in authoritarian and totalitarian political systems (Chicherin, Miliukov).

Measuring candidate selection mechanisms in European elections: Comparing formal party rules to candidate survey responses

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen A Meserve ◽  
Sivagaminathan Palani ◽  
Daniel Pemstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Survey Respondent ◽  
Selection Procedures ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Two Measures ◽  
Survey Responses ◽  
Selection Mechanisms ◽  
Survey Measure

Students of party organization often rely on politicians’ perceptions when measuring internal party institutions and organizational characteristics. We compare a commonly used survey measure of political parties’ European Parliament candidate selection mechanisms to measures that the authors coded directly from parties’ selection rules. We find substantial disconnect between formal institutions and survey respondent perceptions of selection mechanisms, raising questions about measure accuracy and equivalency. While this divergence may be driven either by distinctions between de jure and de facto selection procedures or by respondent error, we find the differences between the two measures are unsystematic. Our findings suggest that authors studying party characteristics must decide whether their research question calls for survey or formal institutional measures.

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