Are European Election Campaigns Europeanized? The Case of the Party of European Socialists in 2009

2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Hertner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Level ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Type Model ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
European Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
British Labour ◽  
European Election

AbstractIn the past, European election campaigns have been fought primarily at national level, organized and led by national parties. The European political parties had neither the financial nor the organizational means to lead pan-European election campaigns. The June 2009 elections, however, highlighted a different and potentially significant trend: new EU regulations provided for the direct financing of European political parties, allowing them to campaign directly in the elections. It is argued that these developments could lead to the Europeanization of European elections campaigns. This article applies the concept of Europeanization to the election campaigns of the Party of European Socialists and three of its member parties: the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democrats, creating an ideal-type model of Europeanization. It concludes that in the three cases Europeanization is still in its infancy.

scholarly journals When do parties put Europe in the centre? Evidence from the 2019 European Parliament election campaign

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
National Level ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Integrated Model ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Media ◽  
Opposition Parties

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.

Campaigning Outside the Campaign: Political Parties and Referendums in Bulgaria

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 691-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stoycho P. Stoychev ◽  
Gergana Tomova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
National Level ◽  
Public Image ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Public ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Potential Reason

This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. The instrumental use of referendums by political parties has already been acknowledged in earlier studies showing how parties in government used direct democracy tools to promote their policies and to gain legitimacy, while parties in opposition sought to augment their image in the eyes of the public. However, opposition parties may have another potential reason to promote referendums on top of their quest for a better public image: The topic of the referendum could be a legacy of their own government. This article reveals how this mechanism works by focusing on the first referendum at the national level in post-communist Bulgaria in 2013. It shows how the Bulgarian Socialist Party, in opposition at the time of the referendum, pursued a policy initiated when it was in office. We use primary data to investigate the extent to which the rhetoric of the party during the referendum campaign served as the basis for subsequent electoral campaigns.

Complicit Communists, Student Commandos, Fidelistas, and Civil War, 1956–1957

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lillian Guerra
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
National Level ◽  
Double Standard ◽  
Socialist Party

This chapter reveals how many Cubans increasingly associated support for the armed opposition with anti-Communism and disdain for the Partido Socialist Popular (Popular Socialist Party, PSP) with hatred of Batista for two reasons. First, Cuba's Communists continued other traditional political parties' pattern of fighting bullets with words; and second, Batista exercised an apparent double standard in allowing the PSP to operate more freely than mainstream opponents. Rather than threatening Batista's dictatorship, the PSP actually facilitated its continuation in the eyes of many citizens and key opinion makers among the organized opposition. Yet this was not just a matter of public perception; it appears to have been a matter of some fact, at least at the national level.

IDEOLOGY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN ALBANIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 2033-2040
Author(s):  
Roland Lami
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government

In this paper, ideological confusion is explained based on the structural-functionalist perspective. Analysis of the phenomenon in question focuses mainly on the interdependence created between the “deeply-social” factors of and political discourse. This analysis is undertaken to better understand the circumstances that condition political parties on representing social categories in different social contexts and on showing the implications of political identity building based on the type of discourse used by the political actors. For this reason, while Almond (1968), Easton (1865), Luhmann (1981) analyze the ideology, they pay attention directly to the way of society structuring, and not as much to the political discourse. According to them, no partial aspect of social life and no isolated phenomenon can be understood unless it is linked with historical integrity and social structure conceived as a general unit. In this study, macro analysis focuses on the identification and treatment of several important indicators in terms of influences in structuring the political identity as important elements even for the empirical testing to the solutions this paper proposes. In this article the political discourse of Democratic Party and Socialist Party is analyzed in three different time periods, 1992 - 1996, 1997 - 2001 and 2002 - 2012. In the first period, on the one hand, the government of the right wing undertook many structural reforms, while on the other hand it does not neglect social assistance for certain groups affected by these reforms. During this period, the Socialist Party is focused more on dealing with itself in terms in order to break with the past than to create a particular profile in an ideological sense - in relation to the opponent. This approach makes political parties differ little from one another. The only difference between them in this period is the discourse: “anticommunism” and “antiberishism”. Democratic Party refers to the origin of Socialist Party to attack it for its relation with the past, while Socialist Party denounces the whole Democratic Party for its leadership qualities. More specifically, each attitude of SP in opposition was labeled as a reminiscence of the former Labour Party, while for the SP every each attitude of the government manifested authoritarian, provincial and tribal tendencies of Berisha.

Popularity and Vote: Forecasting the 2007 French Presidential Election

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Auberger
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
National Level ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
French Presidential Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
Ex Post ◽  
Ex Ante ◽  
Left And Right

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to build a model that explains and forecasts the outcome of the second-round vote in the French presidential elections (with the hypothesis of a classic duel between left and right) in each department and at the national level. This model highlights the influence of the popularity of the Socialist party and a partisan variable in the explanation of the second-round vote for the candidate of the left in the French presidential elections. Its forecasts for the elections of the past (1981–1995 and 1981–2007, excluding 2002) are satisfactory and we make ex ante forecasts for the 2007 French presidential election.Résumé. L'objet de cet article est de construire un modèle qui explique et prévoit le résultat du second tour de scrutin aux élections présidentielles françaises (en supposant le duel classique entre la gauche et la droite) dans chaque département et au niveau national. Ce modèle met en lumière l'influence de la popularité du Parti socialiste et d'une variable partisane dans l'explication du vote au second tour pour le candidat de la gauche aux élections présidentielles. Les prévisions ex post pour les élections passées (de 1981 à 1995 et de 1981 à 2007, en excluant 2002) sont satisfaisantes et on établit des prévisions ex ante pour l'élection présidentielle française de 2007.

Assembly campaign will raise Venezuela tensions

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Past ◽  
Intense Competition ◽  
Electoral Cycles ◽  
Opinion Polls

Significance The build-up to Venezuela's December 6 elections shows continuity with conflictive electoral cycles of the past 15 years. Inconclusive opinion polls caution against a bullish opposition extrapolating popular rejection of President Nicolas Maduro at the national level to the local level. The ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) may once again survive a tough campaign through opposition miscalculations. Impacts The brief campaign period will be marked by intense competition. Dirty tricks, wild claims and hyperbole will dominate media coverage, exacerbating a climate of conflict. While the PSUV machine will lurch into action, the opposition risks divisive internal splits.

scholarly journals Ombres et lumières sur les élections européennes des 7 et 10 juin 1979 : ébauche d’une première analyse des résultats

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-589
Author(s):  
Daniel Louis Seiler
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Second Step ◽  
Opinion Poll ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Will ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Clear Winner ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
European Election ◽  
Rules Of The Game

This article seeks to provide a first attempt at finding a way through the intricate jungle created by at least nine political Systems electing members for one Parliament. The analysis is divided into four steps. The first step considers the actors and the rules of the game and results in a clear conclusion : neither the rules (the electoral Systems) nor the actors (European political parties) allow for the expression of any kind of political will. The second step of the analysis deals with some generalizations about the so-called European trends of the election. The "nonvoters' party" appears as the clear winner. Moreover, this is the only common pattern observed in the nine countries. The third step is comprised of a country by country overview. Rather than referring to the European election, one should talk about at least elevent different elections each with a different set of issues. In terms of the issues, Denmark is the sole country where essentially European matters were in the forefront. In the other cases, the election of the MEP resembles an opinion poll designed especially to meet the needs of national leaders and parties. The article concludes by considering future developments. The real European elections will take place in 1984. What will happen from June 1979 until 1984 will be akin to rehersals for a play. The script seems well written and the dialogue is interesting. However, the actors (the parties) are untrained. The destiny of the performance will entirely depend on the actors.

Elections and Social Media

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmet Sarıtaş ◽  
Elif Esra Aydın
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
The Past ◽  
Target Mass ◽  
The Social ◽  
Use Of Social Media

Today, using of the internet extended social media by individuals habitually enables both the business firms and politicians to reach their target mass at any time. In this context, internet has become a popular place recently where political communication and campaigns are realized by ensuring a new dimension to political campaigns. When we examine the posts and discussions in the social media, we can say that they are converted into open political sessions. As there are no censorship in such channels, individuals have a freedom to reach to any partial/impartial information and obtain transparent and fast feedback, and with this regard, political parties, leaders and candidates have a chance to be closer to electors. In this study, it is aimed to give information about the social media, present what medium has been used for election campaigns from the past until today and besides, by considering the effects of effective and efficient use of social media and new trends related to the internet by politicians, together with their applications in the world, to make suggestions about its situation and application in Turkey.

Forging the Franchise

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Strategic Alliances ◽  
National Level ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Competitive Environments ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Massive Change ◽  
Political Emancipation ◽  
Women’S Preferences ◽  
Do So

In the 1880s, women were barred from voting in all national-level elections, but by 1920 they were going to the polls in nearly thirty countries. What caused this massive change? Contrary to conventional wisdom, it was not because of progressive ideas about women or suffragists' pluck. In most countries, elected politicians fiercely resisted enfranchising women, preferring to extend such rights only when it seemed electorally prudent and necessary to do so. This book demonstrates that the formation of a broad movement across social divides, and strategic alliances with political parties in competitive electoral conditions, provided the leverage that ultimately transformed women into voters. As the book shows, in competitive environments, politicians had incentives to seek out new sources of electoral influence. A broad-based suffrage movement could reinforce those incentives by providing information about women's preferences, and an infrastructure with which to mobilize future female voters. At the same time that politicians wanted to enfranchise women who were likely to support their party, suffragists also wanted to enfranchise women whose political preferences were similar to theirs. In contexts where political rifts were too deep, suffragists who were in favor of the vote in principle mobilized against their own political emancipation. Exploring tensions between elected leaders and suffragists and the uncertainty surrounding women as an electoral group, the book sheds new light on the strategic reasons behind women's enfranchisement.

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