T@pped into the W3rldWideWeb: C0nfigur-ing [Net(I)Ana(S)]

2021 ◽  
pp. 217-225
Author(s):  
Vanesa Menéndez Cuesta
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Urban Landscape ◽  
Early Adulthood ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
The Body ◽  
Urban Spaces ◽  
Physical Isolation ◽  
The Us

The purpose of this paper is to explore the ways in which loneliness has become the epitome of contemporary human condition for the Millennial generation, together with its impact on the psychological and emotional side of human expression and the urban landscape, as expressed through art and the virtual. Modern megacities are shaping and configuring what we nowadays understand as art. In the case of Alt [C]Lit poets, whether it is New York City or Los Angeles, the US urban landscape has a great influence on how these young authors have configured their poetic production: their experiences and referents belong to these cities. In this paper, I would like to discuss how spaces, especially urban spaces, have generated physical isolation and have transitioned into a mental landscape, to which the virtual contributes to increase anxious alienation that manifests itself through the body and the configuration of human subjectivities. Therefore, I will analyze hypermodern identity/ies that result from the urban landscape of megalopolises, the manner in which the virtual has generated online communities and has contributed to (hyper)sexualization, and the way in which Zafra’s concept of netianas can be applied in order to analyze the paradoxical position of loneliness and early-adulthood through the Alt [C]Lit poetry and other related-literary and visual production.

Laying-on Hands

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-200
Author(s):  
Jennifer Koshatka Seman
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Body ◽  
Scientific Medicine ◽  
Urban Centers ◽  
Faith Healer ◽  
The Us ◽  
Healing Arts

This essay examines the ways Teresa Urrea – a curandera or Mexican faith healer – was understood by those she healed as well as the popular presses of the turn of the century as she moved out of the US–Mexico borderlands and into urban centers of San Francisco, New York City, and especially Los Angeles. Santa Teresa’s curanderismo was a cultural refuge for ethnic Mexicans who faced an increasingly racialized and antagonistic public health system in Los Angeles. At the same time, her curanderismo – exemplified by the practice of “laying on hands” – shared epistemologies with scientific medicine and other healing modalities, such as Spiritism, allopathic medicine, and indigenous healing arts. For those who lived in the liminal space between two nations and two cultures, Santa Teresa’s curanderismo provided both practical and magical medicine for the body and spirit.

scholarly journals The Politics of Gendered Spatializations: A Study of Cityscapes in Manu Joseph’s Novels

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.S. Parvathi ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Urban Landscape ◽  
The Body ◽  
Urban Spaces ◽  
City Image ◽  
Spatial Practices ◽  
Spatial Politics ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The City

Burton Pike (1981) terms the cityscapes represented in literature as word-cities whose depiction captures the spatial significance evoked by the city-image and simultaneously, articulates the social psychology of its inhabitants (pp. 243). This intertwining of the social and the spatial animates the concept of spatiality, which informs the positionality of urban subjects, (be it the verticality of the city or the horizonality of the landscape) and determines their standpoint (Keith and Pile, 1993). The spatial politics underlying cityscapes, thus, determine the modes of social production of sexed corporeality. In turn, the body as a cultural product modifies and reinscribes the urban landscape according to its changing demographic needs. The dialectic relationship between the city and the bodies embedded in them orient familial, social, and sexual relations and inform the discursive practices underlying the division of urban spaces into public and private domains. The geographical and social positioning of the bodies within the paradigm of the public/private binary regulates the process of individuation of the bodies into subjects. The distinction between the public and the private is deeply rooted in spatial practices that isolate a private sphere of domestic, embodied activity from the putatively disembodied political, public sphere. Historically, women have been treated as private and embodied and the politics of the demarcated spaces are employed to control and limit women’s mobility. This gendered politics underlying the situating practices apropos public and private spaces inform the representations of space in literary texts. Manu Joseph’s novels, Serious Men (2010) and The Illicit Happiness of Other People (2012), are situated in the word-cities of Mumbai and Chennai respectively whose urban spaces are structured by such spatial practices underlying the politics of location. The paper attempts to problematize the nature of gendered spatializations informing the location of characters in Serious Men and The Illicit Happiness of Other People.

The City in Film

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Robertson Wojcik
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Urban Landscape ◽  
Urban Life ◽  
Early Cinema ◽  
Romantic Comedy ◽  
Art Cinema ◽  
German Expressionism ◽  
Cinematic Space ◽  
The City

Cinema and the city are historically interrelated. The rise of cinema followed on the heels of urbanization and industrialization, and early cinema production and exhibition was largely urban. Moreover, the city has proved to be a rich and diverse cinematic setting and subject. Early cinema recorded scenes of urban life in actuality, melodrama, and City Symphonies. Gangster films, German expressionism, and Film Noir rendered an urban underworld; the musical and romantic comedy produced a more utopian view of the city; and art cinema rendered the everyday reality of urban life. Recent films imagine dystopic post-urban settings and, alternately, megacities populated by superheroes. The relationship between the cinema and the city can be examined in numerous ways. In part, cinema provides an urban archive or memory bank that reflects changes in the urban landscape. At the same time, cinema serves to produce the city, both literally—in the way that film production shapes Los Angeles, Mumbai, Rome, Hong Kong, and other centers of production—and also by producing an imaginary urbanism through the construction of both fantasy urban spaces and ideas and ideals of the city. Theorists suggest that there is an inherent urbanism to cinema. Kracauer 1997 (cited under General Overviews) claims the city, and especially the street, as exemplary and essential cinematic space, attuned to the experience of contingency, flow, and indeterminacy linked to modernity. Hansen 1999 (also cited under General Overviews) suggests that cinema worked as a kind of vernacular modernism to articulate and mediate the experience of modernity—and especially urbanization. More recently, attention to theories of space and urbanism across the academy have generated broad interest in cinematic urbanism. Much of this work brings film scholars into conversation with urban planners, geographers, and architects. Of course neither cinema nor the city is singular. Thus work on the city and film must attend to multiple global cities at different historical periods and, furthermore, consider that cinema produces multiple versions of even a single city, such as New York, as different narratives, genres, studios, directors, and individual films will each produce a different city. Some books and articles tangentially examine films set in cities. This article will include only those texts that have the urban sphere as a primary focus of their investigation.

scholarly journals Estimating background contributions and US anthropogenic enhancements to maximum ozone concentrations in the northern US

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
pp. 12587-12605 ◽  
Author(s):  
David D. Parrish ◽  
Christine A. Ennis
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Spatial Variability ◽  
Urban Area ◽  
Ambient Air ◽  
Quality Standard ◽  
Ozone Concentrations ◽  
Average Maximum ◽  
The Us ◽  
Ambient Air Quality Standard

Abstract. US ambient ozone concentrations have two components: US background ozone and enhancements produced from the country's anthropogenic precursor emissions. Only the enhancements effectively respond to national emission controls. We investigate the temporal evolution and spatial variability in the largest ozone concentrations, i.e., those that define the ozone design value (ODV) upon which the National Ambient Air Quality Standard (NAAQS) is based, within the northern tier of US states. We focus on two regions: rural western states, with only small anthropogenic precursor emissions, and the urbanized northeastern states, which include the New York City urban area, the nation's most populated. The US background ODV (i.e., the ODV remaining if US anthropogenic precursor emissions were reduced to zero) is estimated to vary from 54 to 63 ppb in the rural western states and to be smaller and nearly constant (45.8±3.0 ppb) throughout the northeastern states. These US background ODVs correspond to 65 % to 90 % of the 2015 NAAQS of 70 ppb. Over the past 2 to 3 decades US emission control efforts have decreased the US anthropogenic ODV enhancements at an approximately exponential rate, with an e-folding time constant of ∼22 years. These ODV enhancements are relatively large in the northeastern US, with state maximum ODV enhancements of ∼35–64 ppb in 2000, but are not discernible in the rural western states. The US background ODV contribution is significantly larger than the present-day ODV enhancements due to photochemical production from US anthropogenic precursor emissions in the urban as well as the rural regions investigated. Forward projections of past trends suggest that average maximum ODVs in northeastern US will drop below the NAAQS of 70 ppb by about 2021, assuming that the exponential decrease in the ODV enhancements can be maintained and the US background ODV remains constant. This estimate is much more optimistic than in the Los Angeles urban area, where a similar approach estimates the maximum ODV to reach 70 ppb in ∼2050 (Parrish et al., 2017a). The primary reason for this large difference is the significantly higher US ODV background (62.0±2.0 ppb) estimated for the Los Angeles urban area. The approach used in this work has some unquantified uncertainties that are discussed. Models can also estimate US background ODVs; some of those results are shown to correlate with the observationally based estimates derived here (r2 values for different models are ∼0.31 to 0.90), but they are on average systematically lower by 4 to 13 ppb. Further model improvement is required until their output can accurately reproduce the time series and spatial variability in observed ODVs. Ideally, the uncertainties in the model and observationally based approaches can then be reduced through additional comparisons.

The Emergence of Los Angeles as a Fashion Hub

Urban Studies ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (14) ◽  
pp. 3043-3066 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Williams ◽  
Elizabeth Currid-Halkett
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Geographical Information Systems ◽  
Geographical Information ◽  
Fashion Industry ◽  
Spatial Form ◽  
Industrial Landscape ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post Industrial

The US fashion industry is a useful lens through which to view the transformation of the country’s urban economic systems. Initially an industrial vanguard, fashion has evolved into a more design-oriented sector and a central part of the ‘cognitive-cultural economy’. Fashion is also a clear demonstration of place-specific comparative advantage and specialisation, intensely linked to ‘place in product’. The paper traces the fashion industry’s evolution from 1986 to 2007, focusing on New York and Los Angeles. The composition of the industry in each locale demonstrates each city’s comparative advantage and these advantages may be key determinants of their future fortunes. Using geographical information systems (GIS), fashion’s current spatial form is studied. Within the industry’s sub-sectors, spatial patterns and similar geographical clustering emerge. The industry may be facing somewhat of a reconfiguring of its economic geography; however, the fashion industry’s spatial-structural patterns persist within each city. We also find that fashion, like high technology and Hollywood, tends to produce regional network agglomerations, strong headquarter cities and co-location of particular sectors. Our findings are consistent with the larger theoretical and empirical observations on the post-industrial landscape.

Radical Gesture and the Politics of Postdramatic Tragedy: Reza Abdoh’s The Law of Remains

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
Joseph Cermatori
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Judith Butler ◽  
Serial Killer ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
The Us ◽  
Aids Crisis ◽  
The Law

AbstractDuring his short lifetime, Reza Abdoh (1963–1995) was hailed as a trailblazing theater artist in the avant-garde art scenes of both Los Angeles and New York, where he created a series of massive performance spectacles that sought to intervene critically in the American political status quo. His 1992 piece The Law of Remains stages a furious response to the US American AIDS crisis, depicting it through the allegorical lens of a film being made by Andy Warhol based on the life of queer serial killer and cannibal Jeffrey Dahmer. Performed in the ruins of an abandoned hotel ballroom, the piece drew attention in The New York Times for being “one of the angriest theater pieces ever hurled at a New York audience.” This article analyzes the political dimension of Abdoh’s theater by focusing on specific gestural elements that occur at key moments in The Law of Remains. Doing so, it brings together theories of gesture from Hans-Thies Lehmann, Giorgio Agamben, Judith Butler, and Walter Benjamin, and configures these viewpoints into a constellation through which the politics of gesture in Abdoh can be illuminated. What emerges in Abdoh is a politics of “hopeless hope,” one uniquely meaningful for our planetary present tense.

scholarly journals Analysis of SARS-CoV-2 Genomes from Southern California Reveals Community Transmission Pathways in the Early Stage of the US COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wenjuan Zhang ◽  
John Paul Govindavari ◽  
Brian Davis ◽  
Stephanie Chen ◽  
Jong Taek Kim ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
Medical Center ◽  
New York State ◽  
The United States ◽  
Genomic Diversity ◽  
York State ◽  
The Us

AbstractGiven the higher mortality rate and widespread phenomenon of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 (SARS CoV-2) within the United States (US) population, understanding the mutational pattern of SARS CoV-2 has global implications for detection and therapy to prevent further escalation. Los Angeles has become an epicenter of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in the US. Efforts to contain the spread of SARS-CoV-2 require identifying its genetic and geographic variation and understanding the drivers of these differences. For the first time, we report genetic characterization of SARS-CoV-2 genome isolates in the Los Angeles population using targeted next generation sequencing (NGS). Samples collected at Cedars Sinai Medical Center were collected from patients with confirmed SARS-CoV-2 infection. We identified and diagnosed 192 patients by our in-house qPCR assay. In this population, the highest frequency variants were in known mutations in the 5’UTR, AA193 protein, RdRp and the spike glycoprotein. SARS-CoV-2 transmission within the local community was tracked by integrating mutation data with patient postal codes with two predominant community spread clusters being identified. Notably, significant viral genomic diversity was identified. Less than 10% of the Los Angeles community samples resembled published mutational profiles of SARS-CoV-2 genomes from China, while >50% of the isolates shared closely similarities to those from New York State. Based on these findings we conclude SARS-CoV-2 was likely introduced into the Los Angeles community predominantly from New York State but also via multiple other independent transmission routes including but not limited to Washington State and China.

The Americans are probably the most parochial people on earth. (Fowler 1991) Needless to say, they didn’t like it over there [in the USA]. (Harvey 1991) Thus Grundy’s account of the failure in the US of its most successful soap, as voiced respectively by the company’s Senior vice-president of marketing in Los Angeles, its senior vice president of business affairs in Sydney, and its Sydney publicity manager. This tale of failure contrasts starkly with that of Neighbours’s British success. Grundy’s tried out the US market by syndicating the program in a thirteen-week batch, episodes one to sixty-five, to two independent stations, KCOP/13 in Los Angeles and WWOR/9 in New York. In Los Angeles it screened Monday–Friday at 5:30 p.m. from June 3–28, 1991 before being rescheduled at 9:30 a.m. Monday–Friday from July 1–August 30, 1991. In its first and third weeks Neighbours rated 4 per cent of TV sets in the Los Angeles area, which has forty-one channels; in its fifth week, the first at 9:30 a.m. the figure dropped to 1 per cent, and thereafter it never picked up (Inouye 1992). The program was also stripped by WWOR in New York. There it ran at 5: p.m. from June 17 to September 17, 1991, with its audience averaging 228,000 – a poor figure – in its best month, July (Stefko 1992). Plans to extend its screenings to Chicago, Philadelphia, Washington, Atlanta, and Phoenix appear to have foundered. Unlike the British case, explanations of Neighbours’s failure in the US market are drawn more from its seller, Grundy, and its buyers, KCOP and WWOR, than from the press, which in Britain sought to account for the program’s colossal success. Press coverage heralded the opening of Neighbours in the US, and subsequently ignored it (the commentaries come from seven dailies and weeklies and Variety in Alexander 1991; Goodspeed 1991; “Gray.” 1991; Kelleher 1991; Kitman 1991; Mann 1991; Rabinowitz 1991; Roush 1991). Belonging mostly to the journalistic genre of announcing a likely new popular cultural success arriving with a remarkable foreign track- record, these commentaries were closer to advertorial than to the customarily more “objective” genre of film reviewing. But since they were not advertisements as such, they did give indicative prognostications of the acceptability of a program such as Neighbours in the US market. The commentaries’ treatment of the ten textual factors contributing to Neighbours’s global successes yield important insights. The last eight categories gave these commentators no pause: women as doers, teen sex appeal, unrebellious youth, wholesome neighborliness, “feelgood” characters, resolution of differences, depoliticized middle-class citizenship, and writing skills. Indeed, all eight are clearly instanced in the highly successful Beverley Hills 90210 with the marginal modifications that their neighborliness is more school- than home-based, “middle class” is defined upwards from petit bourgeois, and writing skills are devoted

2002 ◽  
pp. 118-118
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Writing Skills ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Senior Vice President ◽  
Home Based ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
British Case

far, far cry from the broad swathe beaten to the British market by soaps ranging from The Sullivans to Flying Doctors and from Prisoner: Cell Block H to Country Practice which preceded the Neighbours phenomenon there. “The accents” were constantly cited as a crucial point of resistance. KCOP: “People couldn’t understand the Australian accent” (Inouye 1992). WWOR: “We received some complaints about accents, but maybe that’s not the real issue” (Darby 1992). KCOP: “The actors are unknown, and it takes place in a country that few people know about” (Inouye 1992). WWOR: “One problem with anything from out of this country is making the transition from one country to the next. We’re all chauvinists, I guess. We want to see American actors in American stuff” (Leibert 1992). The tenor of these reflections in fact gainsays the New York Daily News’s own report five days prior to Neighbours’s first New York transmission: The program was test-marketed in both cities, and viewers were asked whether they prefer [sic] the original Australian version or the same plots with American actors. “All of them chose the Australian program over the US version,” Pinne said. It won’t hurt, he added, that a program from Australia will be perceived as “a little bit of exotica” without subtitles. (Alexander 1991: 23) The station’s verdict within three months was clearly less sanguine. Australian material did not stay the course, even as exotica. Two additional factors militated against Neighbours’s US success: scheduling, and the length of run required to build up a soap audience. Scheduling was a key factor of the US “mediascape” which contributed to the foundering of Neighbours. Schedule competition tends to squeeze the untried and unknown into the 9–5 time slots. Whatever its British track-record, the Australian soap had no chance of a network sale in the face of the American soaps already locked in mortal combat over the ratings. The best time for Neighbours on US television, between 6:00 p.m. and 7:00 p.m., could be met no better by the independent stations. For the 6:00–8:00 p.m. period, when the networks run news, are the independents’ most competitive time slots, representing their best opportunity to attract viewers away from the networks – principally by rerunning network sitcoms such as The Cosby Show and Cheers. An untried foreign show, Neighbours simply would not, in executives’ views, have pleased advertisers enough; it was too great a risk. Even the 5:00–6:00 p.m. hour, which well suited Neighbours’s youth audience, was denied it in Los Angeles after its first month, with its ratings dropping from 4 per cent to 1 per cent as a consequence. Cristal lamented most the fourth factor contributing to Neighbours’s demise: the stations’ lack of perseverance with it, giving it only three-month runs either side of the States. This is the crucial respect in which public service broadcasting might have benefited it, by probably giving it a longer run. Until the late 1980s, when networks put on a daytime soap, they would

2002 ◽  
pp. 121-121
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Cell Block ◽  
Crucial Point ◽  
Public Service Broadcasting ◽  
Track Record ◽  
The Us ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Cosby Show ◽  
The Face

Experiences of City Heliport Operations

1968 ◽  
Vol 72 (690) ◽  
pp. 549-555
Author(s):  
Robert B. Meyersburg
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Traffic Control ◽  
Ground Level ◽  
Operational Experience ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Related Factors ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Obstacle Clearance ◽  
The Us

This paper describes seven city heliports in the US, considering first their physical features and associated operating factors and, second, the possible application of the operational experience gained with these heliports to future heliport design. Three of the seven heliports are in New York City—the Pan American Building rooftop, Wall Street Pier near the confluence of the Hudson and East Rivers, and the World's Fair Heliport. One is in Chicago, at Midway Airport. The remaining three are in California; Los Angeles International Airport, Anaheim / Disneyland, and Oakland. Taken collectively, the seven heliports are representative of city heliport operation in the US today. Taken individually, they represent considerable variation in the significant factors affecting their operation, such as noise, height above ground level, traffic control towers, interface with other modes of transportation, both air and surface, lighting, instrument operation, obstacle clearance, turbulence, and related factors.

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