scholarly journals AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS INDONESIA RELATED EAST TIMOR 1975-1991

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ririn Qunuri ◽  
Didik Pradjoko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
East Timor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Northern Australia ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
Neighbor Country ◽  
Timor Sea

This article will explain Australia's attitudes and views on the East Timor issue which caused conflict with Indonesia. But on the other hand, Australia cannot ignore Indonesia's interests in East Timor. In 1978, Australia recognized East Timor "de facto" as part of Indonesia. Then, the question arises why Australia supports the integration of East Timor with Indonesia. What are the underlying interests. The Timor Gap Treaty was ratified on 11 December 1989, strengthening Indonesia's position with Australia. Indonesia is considered more accommodating when compared to Portugal in the matter of maritime boundaries in the Timor Sea region. Indonesia is the most important neighbor country for Australia. In terms of Australian defense, the Indonesian archipelago is a stronghold in northern Australia. This is based on Australia's interest in regional security free from the intervention of other hostile countries. Therefore, the importance of efforts to create government stability in Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to determine the dynamics of Australian foreign policy as seen from the Australian security and defense framework in looking at the East Timor issue. In addition, this research will discuss the Opposition to the Balibo Declaration and the Indonesian military intervention in East Timor which invites Australia's ambiguous attitude in addressing the integration of East Timor with Indonesia. Even though it was always at odds with Indonesia, Australia continued to prioritize its national interests in dealing with Indonesia.

scholarly journals Chinese Interests in Pakistan: A Study in Regional Perspective

2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Muhammad Amir ◽  
Muhammad Rizwan ◽  
Saira Bano
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Complex Interaction ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Gradual Process ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Regional Perspective

The present study is an effort to analyze the mode and intensity of Chinese interests in Pakistan. By examining the policy of pursuit in finding another market in the region, the study aims to understand the current warmth of the relationship between China and Pakistan. Although maintaining a perpetually friendly relationship with China has always been a cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy, yet strengthening this relationship into a structured partnership remained a gradual process in the light of their mutual interests. In the politics of international relations, the relationship between countries is a complex interaction of pragmatic national interests, which are multifaceted and could take an alternate course with changing regional and international scenarios. As both Pakistan and China share many common political, economic and strategic interests due to which both are giving their utmost priority to protect their interests related to the other. This paper will investigate the situation where it is commonly believed that China is inevitable by avoiding the vice-versa. No doubt common threats and challenges faced by both the nation is the major cause to unite them in terms of security, political, economic and strategic fronts.

scholarly journals Russian Military Intervention In The Middle East Security Architecture

Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-100
Author(s):  
Chairul Fajar ◽  
Asep Kamaluddin Nashir
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Potential Threat ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Us ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Government Authority ◽  
Game Changer

Fluctuations in liquid security polarity and the likelihood of the agenda of interests have created a power contestation followed by security uncertainty in the Middle East. The eruption of the Arab Spring followed by conflict in Syria posed a threat to Russia's national interests by the potential collapse of Syrian government authority. Military intervention later became a step for Russia to overcome the potential threat. It is strongly believed that the Russian military intervention has obtained a number of achievements as well as from the game changer of the course of the war in Syria as well as the value of strategic advantages in the scope of the Middle East security order. In this study using the theory of regional security complex and military intervention. The results of this study found that Russian military intervention in Syria had expanded Russia's role in Syria and the Middle East as one of the important players who created variations in the power map in the region while thwarting the design of the US version of the Middle East security.

A Regional Great Game?

2018 ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
Nader Entessar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Zero Sum ◽  
Great Game

This chapter explores the turbulent relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia since the pivotal year of 1979 – the year of both the Iranian revolution and significant domestic turmoil in Saudi Arabia. Nader Entessar examines how the very different foreign policy objectives by the two regional powers in the Persian Gulf have evolved since 1979. Entessar provides a wide-ranging overview of the national interests and motivations, levels of threat perception and military balance, and changing domestic and foreign policy context that feed into the regional roles of Saudi Arabia and Iran and underscores the point that the projection, and degree, of influence projected by each is not static but fluctuates as domestic, regional, and global political and strategic circumstances themselves shift. Entessar argues that a “diplomacy deficit” has exacerbated volatility in the Persian Gulf and contributed to a zero-sum approach to regional security.

American Human Rights Policy Toward Eastern Europe

1981 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen A. Garrett
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
American People ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Realist Approach ◽  
War Of Independence

A number of analyses of American foreign policy suggest that over the course of some two hundred years there have been two distinct themes in the American diplomatic experience. These can be labeled the realist and idealist. At various times first one and then the other appears to have assumed at least a temporary predominance in American thinking and diplomatic activity. The classic statement of the realist approach still remains that which was offered by John Quincy Adams in 1823 in response to pressure on the United States to intervene to assist the Greeks in their war of independence against the Ottoman Turks. “Wherever the flag of freedom may be unfurled,” remarked Adams, the heartfelt sentiments and sympathy of the American people go out to those struggling for freedom. On the other hand, the United States should and could not assume a direct responsibility in such struggles. In Adams' vivid phrase, America “goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy.” The Adamsonian or realist approach to American foreign policy then posits that altruistic or moral concerns are essentially irrelevant to the real objectives of a sound national diplomacy, which are the protection of one's own sovereignty and political and economic well-being. In our external relations, then, the focus ultimately must be on power considerations, the development of our strictly personal national interests.

Unilateral and Multilateral Options in the Execution of Foreign Policy

1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 741-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
RFD
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Interests ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
World Government ◽  
Unilateral Action

The argument whether the United States in the conduct of foreign policy should lean toward multilateral or unilateral action tends to revolve in the stratosphere. Proponents of each course cite the conspicuous failures of the other and submit wishful designs varying from triumphant world government to uninhibited national sovereignty. Unfortunately, the range of real choices confronting the policymaker is very much narrower. Constraints on decisionmaking in a democracy, even in a dictatorship, are very strict and nowhere more so than on issues having to do with sharing among nations decisions affecting major national interests.

scholarly journals Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific

2018 ◽  
pp. 72-82
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Strategic Partnerships ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Military Relations

The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.

Movement Toward Democracy in South Korea

Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 24-27
Author(s):  
Edward A. Olsen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The Other ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Moral Standards ◽  
The One

For better or worse United States foreign policy is now identified with human rights, setting moral standards for other nations. Human rights guidelines have become a screen filtering Washington's relations with virtually all countries. Among the most controversial of these is South Korea, where we are accused on the one hand of condoning human rights violations in order to protect our regional security interests and on the other of undercutting our security interests by pressing human rights policies that weaken South Korea.

scholarly journals The Architecture of Paradiplomacy Regime in Indonesia: A Content Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Surwandono Surwandono ◽  
Ali Maksum
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Analysis Methods ◽  
Message Structure

Paradiplomacy as a policy and practice of foreign policy by local governments have been carried out by the Indonesian government. But the practice of paradiplomacy shows a gap between local governments, as there are local governments that are so intensive but, on the other hand, some are passive. This article explains the architecture of paradiplomacy in the constitutional dimension through tracking the message structure in a number of regulations with content analysis methods. The advance of content analysis in the constitutional dimension will be able to provide comprehensive analysis on the architecture of Indonesia's paradiplomacy and its implications for achieving national interests. This article finds that Indonesia's paradiplomacy architecture is still very administrative, procedural, and technical, which results in inability to accelerate paradiplomacy by local governments in Indonesia to progressively attain local and national interests.

East Timor will face foreign policy frustrations

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Gas Field ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Hydrocarbon Processing ◽  
Technical Complications ◽  
Maritime Boundary ◽  
Timor Sea

Subject East Timor’s foreign policy. Significance The election of President Francisco ‘Lu’Olo’ Guterres in March and parliamentary elections in July are expected to result in continued support for East Timor’s primary foreign policy aims of ASEAN accession and the resolution of its maritime boundary dispute with Australia. East Timor’s termination of the Treaty of Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea (CMATS) with Australia in April threatens a key source of revenue from the Greater Sunrise natural gas field. If Dili ultimately loses access to these revenues, it could leave the hydrocarbon-dependent country insolvent within a decade. Impacts Should a Labor government be elected in Australia in 2018-19, East Timor would benefit from a more conciliatory counterparty. Dili’s demand for onshore hydrocarbon processing is unlikely to see corporate interest due to low prices and technical complications. Qatar’s plan to ramp up liquified natural gas exports and new Australian production will squeeze East Timor.

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