scholarly journals The Architecture of Paradiplomacy Regime in Indonesia: A Content Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Surwandono Surwandono ◽  
Ali Maksum

Paradiplomacy as a policy and practice of foreign policy by local governments have been carried out by the Indonesian government. But the practice of paradiplomacy shows a gap between local governments, as there are local governments that are so intensive but, on the other hand, some are passive. This article explains the architecture of paradiplomacy in the constitutional dimension through tracking the message structure in a number of regulations with content analysis methods. The advance of content analysis in the constitutional dimension will be able to provide comprehensive analysis on the architecture of Indonesia's paradiplomacy and its implications for achieving national interests. This article finds that Indonesia's paradiplomacy architecture is still very administrative, procedural, and technical, which results in inability to accelerate paradiplomacy by local governments in Indonesia to progressively attain local and national interests.

Politologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 34-68
Author(s):  
Ainė Ramonaitė ◽  
Adelė Vaiginytė

The article presents an exploratory study of regional media content in Lithuania, carried out using computational content analysis methods. The aim of the study is to reveal the effects of media capture on media content. More specifically, it analyses if and how local government’s control over regional mass media leads to media bias. In addition, the research aims to test the methods of automatic content analysis for the texts in Lithuanian language. The article focuses on two local newspapers known for close relationships with local governments – Druskininkai newspaper “Mano Druskininkai” and Širvintos newspaper “Širvintų kraštas”. For comparative purposes, the local newspapers of four additional municipalities (Utena, Šilutė, Birštonas and Biržai) are added to the analysis. The data revealed two different mechanisms for consolidating political power through the politically controlled media: in one newspaper, the dominant technique is the promotion of the mayor as a person, while in the other it is the attack of political opponents.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Muhammad Amir ◽  
Muhammad Rizwan ◽  
Saira Bano

The present study is an effort to analyze the mode and intensity of Chinese interests in Pakistan. By examining the policy of pursuit in finding another market in the region, the study aims to understand the current warmth of the relationship between China and Pakistan. Although maintaining a perpetually friendly relationship with China has always been a cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy, yet strengthening this relationship into a structured partnership remained a gradual process in the light of their mutual interests. In the politics of international relations, the relationship between countries is a complex interaction of pragmatic national interests, which are multifaceted and could take an alternate course with changing regional and international scenarios. As both Pakistan and China share many common political, economic and strategic interests due to which both are giving their utmost priority to protect their interests related to the other. This paper will investigate the situation where it is commonly believed that China is inevitable by avoiding the vice-versa. No doubt common threats and challenges faced by both the nation is the major cause to unite them in terms of security, political, economic and strategic fronts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-128
Author(s):  
Nuril Hidayah

From modern perspective, pesantren are often regarded as the basis of resistance to modernization that is often associated with the West. This resistance comes from the strong roots of the pesantren as a subculture. This study attempts to elaborate on how the pesantren's view of the West as a part of occidentalism. Using literary sources and content analysis methods, this study has resulted several conclusions. First, in the pre-independence era where the West was represented by the Dutch, The West had a bad image among the pesantrens. The Dutch was viewed as invaders who exploit people and stab them from behind. In addition, with public schools filled with aristocrats, the Netherlands became a competitor to civil education which was rooted in community based pesantren education. On the other hand, from the standpoint of religion, pesantren viewed the West as infidels


Author(s):  
Jürgen Rüland

The Indonesian government was the most significant actor in the ASEAN Charter debate and the relevance of regionalism for Indonesia’s foreign policy. It negotiated the Charter with the other ASEAN governments and strongly influenced the domestic debate on ASEAN and Indonesia’s role in it. The chapter outlines changes in Indonesian foreign policymaking, which became a multistakeholder process after the demise of President Suharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998. Applying Acharya’s localization theory, it examines how leading government exponents—the president, the foreign minister, and high-ranking diplomats—framed, grafted, and pruned European concepts of regional integration. The chapter shows that although the Indonesian government was the most vocal among ASEAN members in propagating EU-style reforms, it localized core reformist concepts such as democracy and human rights with extant local ideas such as organicism, soft law, leadership ambitions, ancient welfare and security conceptions, and the ASEAN Way.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph L. Mertz ◽  
Shisheng Sun ◽  
Bojiao Yin ◽  
Michael J. Betenbaugh ◽  
Kevin J. Yarema ◽  
...  

AbstractComprehensive analysis of the glycoproteome is critical due to the widespread importance of this post-translational modification to protein function, and difficult because of the tremendous complexity it exhibits. Here we compared three glycoproteomic analysis methods, a recently described chemoenzymatic glycoproteome analysis methods, N-linked glycans and glycosite containing peptides (NGAG), Solid-phase extraction of N-linked glycoproteins (SPEG), and hydrophilic interaction liquid chromatography (HILIC), for the analysis of N-linked glycosites of Chinese hamster ovarian (CHO) cells treated with 1,3,4-O-Bu3ManNAc. The NGAG protocol resulted in substantially increased glycosite identifications over both SPEG and HILIC. Interestingly, while the glycosites identified by SPEG and HILIC overlapped strongly, NGAG identified many glycosites not observed in either of the other two methods. Further, utilizing the enhanced intact glycopeptide identification afforded by the NGAG workflow, we also found that of the sugar analog 1,3,4-O-Bu3ManNAc increases sialylation of proteins secreted by CHO cells, including an ectopically expressed human proteins.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166
Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah

Since the World Health Organization declared the Corona Covid-19 virus as an epidemic, in the following, the Indonesian Government also stated that the Corona virus problem has become a non-natural national disaster. The President of the Republic of Indonesia and the Regional government together with their staff are helping one another in preventing the spread of Covid-19 in Indonesia. Many government bureaucratic efforts have been made by issuing policies as the initial steps to prevent the spread of Covid-19. As the implementer of the bureaucracy, the Government always strives to provide effective public services in efforts to prevent the spread of the Corona Covid-19 virus in society. From the central level to the heads of the provinces, Regencies and even the municipal governments. This study applies the content analysis method, in which the content analysis is limited to newspaper media which convey information related to some policies information presented by each head of government, both in several regions and countries. The purpose of this research is to provide education to the public in dealing with global disasters and efforts to prevent them. The results show that the bureaucratic efforts of the central government and local governments through various policies have carried out many communication strategies for their respective regional communities through coercion, informative, expulsion, targeting, persuasion and excess techniques in message packages in the form of instructions, to the public to prevent Covid-19 in their area. However, the techniques of coercion up to the approval stage are enforced to prevent the effect of violations on offenders. The central government in this case has not maximized its roles in implementing a comprehensive communication strategy for all local governments. This is due to the absence of the National Command from the central government which seems to be slow in preventing the transmission of Covid-19, which has become a global disaster, including in Indonesia.


1981 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen A. Garrett

A number of analyses of American foreign policy suggest that over the course of some two hundred years there have been two distinct themes in the American diplomatic experience. These can be labeled the realist and idealist. At various times first one and then the other appears to have assumed at least a temporary predominance in American thinking and diplomatic activity. The classic statement of the realist approach still remains that which was offered by John Quincy Adams in 1823 in response to pressure on the United States to intervene to assist the Greeks in their war of independence against the Ottoman Turks. “Wherever the flag of freedom may be unfurled,” remarked Adams, the heartfelt sentiments and sympathy of the American people go out to those struggling for freedom. On the other hand, the United States should and could not assume a direct responsibility in such struggles. In Adams' vivid phrase, America “goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy.” The Adamsonian or realist approach to American foreign policy then posits that altruistic or moral concerns are essentially irrelevant to the real objectives of a sound national diplomacy, which are the protection of one's own sovereignty and political and economic well-being. In our external relations, then, the focus ultimately must be on power considerations, the development of our strictly personal national interests.


Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-130
Author(s):  
Deasy Silvya Sari

The article explains the change and continuity of Indonesian Foreign Policy toward Egypt post Husni Mubarak Administration. This issue is explored because after the administration of Husni Mubarak, Egypt experienced domestic political instability in the form of a government regime change in a short time, namely the election of Mursi as president through elections in 2011, the overthrow of Mursi, and the election of Al Sisi as new president in 2013 through elections. This article concludes that on facing some changes in Egypt post-Husni Mubarak, Indonesia did ‘the change and continuity’ in her foreign policy. The ‘change’ was done because of administration of Presiden Yudhoyono wanted to ensure the implementation of Indonesia's national interests, namely, the security of Indonesian citizens in Egypt, education programs, and the sustainability of Indonesia-Egypt trade relations. This change was motivated by bureaucratic advocacy and restructuring domestic agent on decision making of Indonesian government. The ‘continuity’ takes place in terms of Indonesia’s doctrine of foreign policy, namely ‘free and active policy’. 'Free policy’ was carried out impartially in the Egyptian conflict and ‘active policy’ was implemented by maintaining security, education, and trade cooperation with Egypt.


1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 741-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
RFD

The argument whether the United States in the conduct of foreign policy should lean toward multilateral or unilateral action tends to revolve in the stratosphere. Proponents of each course cite the conspicuous failures of the other and submit wishful designs varying from triumphant world government to uninhibited national sovereignty. Unfortunately, the range of real choices confronting the policymaker is very much narrower. Constraints on decisionmaking in a democracy, even in a dictatorship, are very strict and nowhere more so than on issues having to do with sharing among nations decisions affecting major national interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ririn Qunuri ◽  
Didik Pradjoko

This article will explain Australia's attitudes and views on the East Timor issue which caused conflict with Indonesia. But on the other hand, Australia cannot ignore Indonesia's interests in East Timor. In 1978, Australia recognized East Timor "de facto" as part of Indonesia. Then, the question arises why Australia supports the integration of East Timor with Indonesia. What are the underlying interests. The Timor Gap Treaty was ratified on 11 December 1989, strengthening Indonesia's position with Australia. Indonesia is considered more accommodating when compared to Portugal in the matter of maritime boundaries in the Timor Sea region. Indonesia is the most important neighbor country for Australia. In terms of Australian defense, the Indonesian archipelago is a stronghold in northern Australia. This is based on Australia's interest in regional security free from the intervention of other hostile countries. Therefore, the importance of efforts to create government stability in Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to determine the dynamics of Australian foreign policy as seen from the Australian security and defense framework in looking at the East Timor issue. In addition, this research will discuss the Opposition to the Balibo Declaration and the Indonesian military intervention in East Timor which invites Australia's ambiguous attitude in addressing the integration of East Timor with Indonesia. Even though it was always at odds with Indonesia, Australia continued to prioritize its national interests in dealing with Indonesia.


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