scholarly journals Aspectual composition in "ser/estar + adjective" structures: adjectival scalarity and verbal aspect in copular constructions

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Gumiel ◽  
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0cm; margin-right: 32.5pt; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-left: 1.0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;;" lang="EN-US">The </span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;;" lang="EN-US">distribution of the Spanish copulas <em>ser</em> and <em>estar </em>(&lsquo;be&rsquo;) (specifically in the syntactic context &lt;<em>ser/estar</em> + A&gt;) has been generally accounted for in the literature in aspectual terms, more explicitly, in terms of the distinction between individual-level and stage-level predicates. Our claim is that the distributional properties of adjectives in the &lt;<em>ser/estar</em> + A&gt; structure can be better described if the scalar properties of the adjectives are taken into account, crucially those properties related to the <em>relative</em> vs. <em>absolute</em> distinction (in the sense of Kennedy &amp; McNally 2005): relative adjectives combine with <em>ser, </em>absolute adjectives combine with <em>estar</em>. From this hypothesis, a better theory arises about aspectual composition in the domain of stative predications (in the line of Husband 2010, 2012).</span></p>

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Marín ◽  
Cristina Sánchez Marco
Keyword(s):  

<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;; mso-ansi-language: ES;" lang="ES">En este art&iacute;culo ofrecemos un estudio sobre las propiedades sem&aacute;nticas y &ndash;en menor medida, morfol&oacute;gicas&ndash; de los predicados psicol&oacute;gicos. Ponemos especial &eacute;nfasis en las propiedades que parecen afectar de forma similar a verbos (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">odiar,</em> <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">preocupar(se)</em>) y a nombres psicol&oacute;gicos (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">odio,</em> <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">preocupaci&oacute;n</em>). Por lo que respecta a los verbos, en la l&iacute;nea sugerida por F&aacute;bregas y Mar&iacute;n (2012), demostramos que todos ellos, tanto los de experimentante sujeto (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">odiar</em>) como los de experimentante objeto (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">preocupar(se)</em>) denotan estados, si bien los primeros denotan estados <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">individual-level</em> (IL), mientras que los segundos describen estados <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">stage-level</em> (SL). Por lo que respecta a los nombres, de acuerdo con Sanrom&aacute;n (2012), comprobamos que tambi&eacute;n responden a esta divisi&oacute;n entre nombres psicol&oacute;gicos de estado IL (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">odio</em>) y de estado SL (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">preocupaci&oacute;n</em>). Los verbos de apoyo que acompa&ntilde;an a unos nombres y a otros constituyen uno de los indicios m&aacute;s claros de tal distinci&oacute;n: el significado b&aacute;sico de los verbos de apoyo de nombres IL (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">guardar, tener</em>) es el de posesi&oacute;n; los verbos de apoyo de nombres SL (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pasar, salir</em>) expresan, en cambio, desplazamiento. Esta distinci&oacute;n nos permite afinar m&aacute;s el an&aacute;lisis de los verbos psicol&oacute;gicos: los de experimentante sujeto no han sufrido cambio alguno, mientras que los de experimentante objeto son fruto de un cambio de estado equiparable a un cambio de ubicaci&oacute;n, esto es, a un desplazamiento. El an&aacute;lisis que ofrecemos, basado en la causatividad, es aplicable tanto a verbos como a nombres: los predicados psicol&oacute;gicos que denotan estados SL contienen un operador causativo del que los predicados psicol&oacute;gicos que denotan estados IL carecen.</span>


Author(s):  
Rebekah Baglini ◽  
Christopher Kennedy

This chapter investigates the relationship between adjectives and event structure by looking at properties of deverbal adjectives and deadjectival verbs. Although simple adjectives are not eventive, they nevertheless play an important role in matters of event structure, both in the way that they influence the eventive properties of verbs that they are derivationally related to, and in the way that an understanding of the scalar properties of adjectival meaning informs theorizing about eventive meanings. Although often considered in isolation, we show that adjectival gradability and verbal aspect are intimately related scalar phenomena. The structural properties of an adjectival scale determine the aspectual class of a derived event predicate. Similarly, the aspectual structure of a verb phrase constrains the scale structure of an adjectival participle. Our discussion focuses primarily on degree-based approaches to these phenomena, but we also consider alternative approaches based in a more articulated ontology for states.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Rivas ◽  
Esther L. Brown

<span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;;">This work examines the role of the stage-level (SL)/individual-level (IL) distinction applied to nouns in a case of morphosyntactic regularization in Spanish: variable reanalysis of the NP argument as subject in the presentational <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">haber </em>construction (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hab&iacute;a/hab&iacute;an perros</em>). We conduct variationist, quantitative analyses on all instances of existential <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">haber </em>with a plural NP in corpora of spoken Puerto Rican Spanish (&gt;500,000 words) to determine the linguistic factor groups that promote reanalysis and, hence, pluralized forms. Results of variable rule analyses reveal that the SL-IL distinction constrains the regularization. IL predicates significantly favor <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">haber </em>regularization (e.g., <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hab&iacute;an muchas personas de las Antillas</em> &lsquo;there were a lot of people from the Antillas&rsquo;) whereas SL predicates significantly disfavor pluralized forms (<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">este a&ntilde;o hubo menos tiros que en a&ntilde;os pasados</em> &lsquo;this year there were fewer shots fired than previous years&rsquo;). These results are interpreted from within a usage-based framework in which the status of the noun introduced in the [<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">haber </em>+ NP] construction, as either a likely or unlikely subject for <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">haber</em>,<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </em>influences the analogical leveling. IL predicates are more prototypical nouns than SL predicates because the former are temporally persistent. IL predicates promote nouns&rsquo; candidacy as subjects over direct objects because prototypical subjects present two temporally-persistent characteristics: independence existence and referentiality. As a result, IL predicates increase the likelihood of reanalyzing the direct object as subject, thus triggering agreement of the verbal form with plural NPs. SL predicates, on the other hand, because they display low temporal stability, inhibit regularization.</span>


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 109 ◽  
Author(s):  
María J. Arche

<p><span style="font-size: 12.000000pt; font-family: 'Cambria';">This paper addresses how the contrast known as Individual-&shy;‐Level/Stage-&shy;‐Level (IL/SL) is implemented in the grammar. More specifically, the paper is a critical assessment of the view that the IL/SL distinction is an aspectual distinction. The empirical data I will be using to probe into the IL/SL dichotomy is the contrast between the copular verbs in Spanish </span><span style="font-size: 12.000000pt; font-family: 'Cambria'; font-style: italic;">ser/estar. </span><span style="font-size: 12.000000pt; font-family: 'Cambria';">I will argue that the Spanish copular contrast reflexes the IL/SL dichotomy and that this dichotomy cannot be reduced to an aspectual difference in the ways it has been proposed in previous literature. Concurring with other authors I will argue that IL/SL-&shy;‐ness ensues from a different syntactic composition, very likely from different heads of prepositional nature, which can be argued to carry aspectual value. Crucially, however, this aspectual heads do not seem to translate into differences at the level of viewpoint or situation aspect in any relevant sense, as has been proposed in the literature. </span></p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Asuncion Martínez-Arbelaiz

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 0cm; margin-right: 28.3pt; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 1.0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;" lang="EN-US">Clauses headed by <em>if</em> and <em>when</em> are very often considered syntactically and semantically equivalent.&nbsp; Nevertheless, in this paper we show that the type of predicate has an impact both on the grammaticality and the interpretation of the subordinate clause in Spanish. Theses clauses provide evidence for the proposal that stage-level predicates involve an extra-argument that individual-level predicates lack. Following Kratzer (1995), we assume that this is extra-argument is a spatio-temporal argument. While stage-level predicates in the subordinate clause are perfectly grammatical, individual-level predicates yield to ungrammatical sentences, unless an indefinite or a kind-referring NP is involved. &nbsp;Kratzer&acute;s Prohibition against vacuous quantification provides a sound account for the asymmetry between the two types of predicates.&nbsp; In addition, a stative verb in the <em>when</em> clause is grammatical, but it forces an epistemic reading. When both predicates are individual-level predicates in the subordinate and the main clause, the <em>if</em> clause may can take a factual reading while the <em>when</em> clause is ungrammatical unless there is some kind of operator involved through a generic, a kind-referring NP or an indefinite pronoun.</span></p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tinne Lernout ◽  
Heidi Theeten ◽  
Elke Leuridan ◽  
Pierre Van Damme

<span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> Since their introduction and widespread use, vaccines have been very successful in reducing morbidity and mortality of the diseases they target, at an individual level and through herd immunity. The impact on the mortality has been rapid and easy to measure for some diseases, such as diphtheria, pertussis and measles. For other diseases, including hepatitis B and human papillomavirus infections, deaths averted occur many years after vaccination, and it takes years until the full potential of the vaccine can be established. Finally, in middle and high income countries, the impact of vaccination against some diseases, like invasive pneumococcal disease and rotavirus gastro-enteritis, is measured by decrease in incidence of the disease and reduction in hospitalization rather than impact on mortality. But in the countries with the highest incidence of these diseases, mortality remains high due to low availability of these vaccines, and millions of deaths could be averted by optimal use of vaccines in these regions. Major challenges for vaccination programmes are to<br />maintain and strengthen trust in the benefits of vaccination and adapt immunization schedules according to the changing epidemiological landscape.</span>


Author(s):  
Kajsa Djärv

AbstractThis paper investigates the (recent) case alternation in Swedish equative and predicational copular sentences (‘Cicero is Tully’, ‘Cicero is a nice guy’). A central contribution of the paper is showing that this alternation is an LF-phenomenon, contra Sigurðsson (in: Hartmann, Molnárfi (eds) Comparative studies in Germanic syntax: from Afrikaans to Zurich German. John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 2006) who conjectures that Swedish is changing in the direction of English and Danish, where all postcopular DPs receive Accusative case, regardless of interpretation. The Swedish alternation is shown to track the same semantic dimension that conditions the choice of predicate case in languages like Polish, Russian and Dutch, namely the distinction between stage and individual level predication. Interestingly, the Swedish alternation is also shown to share distributional properties with the predicate case alternations in these languages. To account for these observations, I propose that the morphological and semantic contrasts between the two alternants are mediated by a structural difference, such that Nominative case involves a biclausal structure, and Accusative a monoclausal structure. This paper further adds to the typological picture, showing that Swedish patterns like Polish, Russian and Dutch, but unlike English and Danish, not just in terms of equative and predicational sentences, but also in specificational copular sentences (‘The fastest runner here is Lisa’). I argue that a particular kind of predicate inversion analysis is required to account for the Swedish type of specification.


Author(s):  
Antonio Fábregas

<span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;; font-variant: small-caps;" lang="ES">Abstract</span><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;;" lang="ES">. This article provides with a state of the art of how the Individual Level / Stage Level distinction &ndash;and the related but distinct issue of the distribution of ser / estar&ndash; is instantiated in Spanish. We argue that the IL / SL distinction can be understood in two different ways: as a contrast between properties predicated of an individual or of a stage of that individual, and as a contrast between temporally persistent properties and temporary ones. The paper ends with a specific proposal about how to capture the distinction inside a structural system. </span> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 25.15pt 0.0001pt 1cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;;" lang="ES">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 25.15pt 0.0001pt 1cm; text-align: justify;"><strong></strong></p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Furu

<strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><font face="TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT"><p align="left"> </p></font></span><p align="left"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">ABSTRACT</span></span></p></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">No information about drug use at an individual level is available from the present Norwegian wholesale</p><p align="left">statistics on drugs, i.e. who are using the medicines, for how long and in which doses. A new kind of</p><p align="left">statistics is needed to focus on and analyse the use of medications from a public health perspective and</p><p align="left">to evaluate other aspects of public health in relation to drug expenditures. To meet this need, the Ministry</p><p align="left">of Health and Social Affairs has decided to establish a new national register based on computerised</p><p align="left">prescriptions from all the pharmacies in Norway. The initiative to establish a more detailed drug</p><p align="left">statistics came partly in response to changes in the infrastructure of the Norwegian Drug Market, which</p><p align="left">started when Norway became a member of European Economic Association (EEA), in 1995. To regulate</p><p align="left">and evaluate the impact of a country’s national drug policy with respect to the promotion of the</p><p align="left">rational use of drugs, it is vital that the system designed to collect data about the consumption of</p><p align="left">medicines is set up at the level of individual patients. This paper will focus on the planning and the</p><p>necessary steps to be taken for establishing a national database of drug prescriptions in Norway.</p></span></span>


Nordlyd ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. pp
Author(s):  
Arne Martinus Lindstad

<p class="NL-Abstract" style="margin: 0cm 14.2pt 12pt;"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Times; font-size: small;">This paper reports on fieldwork undertaken during the NORMS dialect workshop in the Faroe Islands in August 2008. I present and discuss findings from a questionnaire study of the negative polarity sensitive indefinite determiner <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nakar</em> &lsquo;any.&rsquo; The questionnaire was constructed on the basis of the findings in Lindstad (1999) for the Norwegian polarity sensitive determiner <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">noen</em> &lsquo;any&rsquo;. The results indicate that Faroese <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nakar</em> has a distribution that by and large mimics that of <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">noen</em>. This distribution is also very similar to that of Danish <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nogen</em> &lsquo;any&rsquo; and Icelandic <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nokkur</em> &lsquo;any,&rsquo; but differs considerably from Swedish <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">n&aring;gon</em> &lsquo;any.&rsquo; I did not find any dialectal variation in the distribution of <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nakar</em> across licensing contexts, only minor variation at the individual level.</span></span></p>


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