scholarly journals Ideology Manipulation of the Chinese-English Subtitled “Main Melody” Films: A Case Study of Wolf Warrior II and The Wandering Earth

Author(s):  
Ying Xie

Films are the reflection of the mainstream ideology in a specific culture. More importantly, the process of film translation itself is equivalent to the rewriting process by the translator (Lefevere 1992), which embodies and even strengthens the manipulation of social ideology. As the “Main Melody” films that focus on propagandizing the official messages of the Communist Party of China (CPC), Wolf Warrior II (2017) and The Wandering Earth (2019)’s rewritten subtitles intensively embody the ideology manipulation under the regime of the CPC and the Chinese government. By discussing how audiences from different social, cultural, ethnic backgrounds might employ their experience and knowledge about the Chinese society and politics to decode the subtitles in ways that contradict the intended meaning, this paper seeks to investigate the effectiveness of the rewritten subtitles’ ideological manipulation towards the Chinese audience and the English-speaking audience.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Zixuan Zhang ◽  
Yumei Ju

This paper studies the discursive construction of national image in national discourse. The editorials published during the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in China Daily are taken as the corpus of study. The results showed that the editorials successfully constructed the national image of China by employing the Affect, Judgment, and Appreciation resources in the texts. Domestically, China is constructed as being confident in solving the problem of imbalances of development, boosting people’s sense of gain, leading the whole nation to realize the Chinese dream, and having the courage to bear the responsibility to improve people’s livelihood and happiness. Internationally, China is constructed as being competent, responsible, valuing fairness and justice, seeking cooperation and mutual benefit, and leading the whole world to pursue common prosperity to build a community of shared destiny for all mankind. The constructed images are themselves the persuasive rhetorical ethos, which leads to the identification of the editorials with the audience. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-253
Author(s):  
Wan-Chun Huang

AbstractOne of China’s reality shows,Super Girl, showed too much of a ‘democratic’ idea for the taste of the Chinese Communist Party, which suspended it in 2006. Nevertheless,Super Girlsucceeded in introducing a participatory audience and welcoming a new form of ‘affective economy’ that helped Chinese audiences actively engage in a given show. Today’s new media technologies and their convergence empower the participatory audience and spur democratic ideas in Chinese society. Because of these empowered audiences, China’s reality shows have become an influential platform. I examine four aspects of these Chinese reality shows in an era of ‘media convergence’: first, the new relationship between the Chinese government and media producers; second, the intense cooperation between Chinese new media producers and consumers; third, the public voice created by Chinese audiences in and outside the studio; and fourth, the limitations and possibilities of democratic participation in Chinese reality shows.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (113) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chuluun-Erdene Terbish

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the CPC has entered a new stage of innovation in diplomatic theory and practice, forming Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, which will continue to guide China's major-country diplomacy in the new era. The new diplomatic strategy of the new Chinese government led by Xi Jinping has three features. First, it hopes to actively build a new model of major-country relations. Second, it hopes to build a “destiny community of neighboring countries” diplomacy. Third, to look forward to building a new type of international relations in which win-win cooperation is the top priority of their foreign policy. In this article, I will introduce the new foreign policy adopted by China since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and the neighborhood diplomacy featuring amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness. In addition, it also describes the diplomatic relations between Mongolia and China from 2012 to 2021 and important events within the scope of cooperation between the two countries, especially the friendly stories of mutual support and assistance between China and Mongolia after the outbreak of COVID-19. ХКН-ын XVIII их хурлаас хойших Хятад улсын гадаад бодлогын шинэ үзэл санаа ба Монгол, Хятадын харилцаа Хураангуй: 2012 онд ХКН-ын XVIII их хурал хуралдаж, Ши Жиньпин засгийн эрх барьснаар Хятад улсад гадаад харилцааны шинэ үзэл санаа бүрэлдэн тогтож, тус улс цаашид өөрийн онцлог бүхий их гүрний гадаад бодлого баримтлах болно гэдгээ зарласан билээ. Ши Жиньпин-ээр төвлөсөн Хятадын төрийн удирдлагын гадаад бодлогын шинэ стратеги нэгд, их гүрний шинэ маягийн харилцааг бий болгохыг эрмэлзэж буй. Хоёрт, Хятад улс хөрш улс орнууд хоорондын гадаад харилцаанд өндөр ач холбогдол өгч буй. Гуравт, хамтран ажиллах, хамтдаа хожих хамтын ажиллагааг гол болгосон олон улсын шинэ маягийн харилцааг байгуулахыг эрмэлзэж буй зэрэг онцлогтой байна. Энэхүү өгүүлэлд ХКН-ын XVIII их хурлаас хойших Хятад улсын гадаад бодлогын шинэ үзэл санаа, тэр дундаа хөрш зэргэлдээ улс орнуудад хандан хэрэгжүүлж буй “Ойр дотно, чин сэтгэлийн, харилцан ашигтай, уужуу хүртээмжтэй байх” ба “Хүн төрөлхтний хувь заяаны цогц нэгдэл” хэмээх гадаад бодлогын ойлголтын талаар танилцуулж, 2012-2021 онд Монгол, Хятад хоёр улсын гадаад харилцаа, хамтын ажиллагааны хүрээнд болсон үйл явдал, тэр дундаа аюулт цар тахлын эсрэг хамтдаа тэмцсэн хийгээд хоёр талын харилцан бие биедээ тусалж дэмжиж ирсэн түүхүүдийг өгүүлнэ. Түлхүүр үгс: Хятад улсын гадаад бодлого, Ши Жиньпин, XVIII их хурал, хувь заяаны цогц нэгдэл, Монгол, Хятадын харилцаа


Focaal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2010 (57) ◽  
pp. 79-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet McLaughlin

This article analyzes the ideology and practice of multi-unit competition that pervades neoliberal subjectivities and produces the “ideal” flexible worker within contemporary global capitalism. It demonstrates how state and capitalist interests converge to influence the selection of the ideal transnational migrant worker, how prospective migrants adapt to these expectations, and the consequences of such enactments, particularly for migrants, but also for the societies in which they live and work. Multiple levels of actors—employers, state bureaucrats, and migrants themselves—collude in producing the flexible, subaltern citizen, which includes constructions and relations of class, race, gender, and nationality/citizenship. The case study focuses on Mexican and Jamaican participants in Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, a managed migration program that legally employs circular migrant farmworkers from Mexico and several English-speaking Caribbean countries in Canadian agriculture.


Corpora ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-61
Author(s):  
Michael Gauthier

Contrary to the idea which has been widespread for at least a hundred years that women differ substantially from men when they express themselves in English-speaking contexts (e.g., Jespersen, 1922 ; and Steadman, 1935 ), empirical studies have shown that these differences are often minimal and are not due to gender alone (e.g., Eckert, 2008 ; and Baker, 2014 ). This also frequently applies to the way they swear, despite certain preferences which have been documented in empirical studies. With the growing impact that social media now has in our everyday lives, these represent a unique opportunity to study vast quantities of written data. This paper is based on a corpus of about one-million tweets and is an attempt to delve deeper into the analysis of gendered swearword habits. First, the goal is to show that even if there are certain gendered preferences in terms of the choice of swearwords, women and men frequently display similar patterns in using them, thus reinforcing the idea that they are not so linguistically different. Secondly, this paper provides insights into how collocational networks can be used to achieve this, and thus how focussing on differences can be one way to spot similarities across two sub-corpora.


Author(s):  
David O'Brien

The Uyghur (alternatively spelled Uighur) are the largest and titular ethnic group living in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, a vast area in northwestern China of over 1.6 million sq. km. According to the 2010 census Uyghurs make up 45.21 percent of the population of Xinjiang, numbering 8,345,622 people. The Han, the largest ethnic group in China, make up 40.58 percent in the region with 7,489,919. A Turkic-speaking largely Muslim ethnic group, the Uyghurs traditionally inhabited a series of oases around the Taklamakan desert. Their complex origin is evidenced by a rich cultural history that can be traced back to various groups that emerged across the steppes of Mongolia and Central Asia. Uyghur communities are also found in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan, with significant diaspora groups in Australia, the United States, Germany, and Turkey. In the first half of the 20th century, Uyghurs briefly declared two short-lived East Turkestan Republics in 1933 and again in 1944, but the region was brought under the complete control of the Chinese state after the Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949. Within China they are considered one of the fifty-five officially recognized ethnic minority groups, who, along with the Han who constitute 92 percent of the population, make up the Chinese nation or Zhonghua Minzu中华民族. However, for many Uyghurs the name “Xinjiang,” which literally translates as “New Territory,” indicates that their homeland is a colony of China, and they prefer the term “East Turkestan.” Nevertheless, many scholars use Xinjiang as a natural term even when they are critical of the position of the Communist Party. In this article both terms are used. In the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Uyghurs numbered about 80 percent of the population of Xinjiang, but large-scale government-sponsored migration has seen the number of Han in the region rise to almost the same as that of the Uyghur. This has led to an increase in ethnic tensions often caused by competition for scarce resources and a perception that the ruling Communist Party favors the Han. In 2009, a major outbreak of violence in the capital Ürümchi saw hundreds die and many more imprisoned. The years 2013 and 2014 were also crucial turning points with deadly attacks on passengers in train stations in Kunming and Yunnan, bombings in Ürümchi, and a suicide attack in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, all blamed on Uyghur terrorists. Since then the Chinese government has introduced a harsh regime of security clampdowns and mass surveillance, which has significantly increased from 2017 and which, by some accounts, has seen over one million Uyghurs and other Muslim ethnic minorities imprisoned without trial in “reeducation” camps. The Chinese government insist these camps form part of an education and vocational training program designed to improve the lives of Uyghurs and root out “wrong thinking.” Many Uyghurs believe it is part of a long-term project of assimilation of Uyghur identity and culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 334-347
Author(s):  
Jisheng Sun

Summary Discursive power is the reflection of a country’s national strength and international influence. The increase of economic power does not necessarily mean the increase of discursive power. The improvement of discursive power has to be strategically designed and multidimensionally improved. Due to China’s historical experiences regarding discursive power, China is weak in many fields. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China began to pay more attention to improve its international discursive power such as expanding its discursive presence and strengthening effectiveness of its voice, changing language style, enhancing institutional power and innovating diplomatic practice. In the future, more substantive efforts will be needed such as strengthening the overall strategic layout, enhancing institutional discursive power in various fields, improving the discursive system and promoting integration of China’s major diplomatic ideas and discourse with global ones.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-52
Author(s):  
Anthony Tobin

This study investigates both the benefits of and recent trends in studying abroad for Japanese students and examines the results of a survey on study abroad taken by students majoring in English at a private university in Tokyo. Statistics from JASSO showed that the trend in study abroad before 2020 was for an increasing number of Japanese university students to spend a period of time studying abroad, though most of the increase was in short-term study. The English language questionnaire sought to discover what proportion of a group of seventy-two students had already studied abroad, or planned to do so, and to establish whether those who had gained experience had benefited from it, as well as detailing student anxieties which may have deterred students from studying abroad. The survey on study abroad, taken in January 2018, had a 100% response rate. Twenty-three (32%) of the students answered that they had already studied abroad, mostly for short durations in English-speaking countries. Most of the students who studied abroad had a positive experience, reputedly improved their English skills and recommended that other students study abroad. Twenty-six (53%) of the students without study abroad experience were planning to study abroad, even though they had some issues which concerned them, such as their ability to communicate in English, personal safety, and financial matters. The main reason for not electing to study abroad for this particular sample was found to be related to the overall costs of overseas travel, accommodation, and tuition. この研究では日本人学生に対する留学の利点および最近の留学の傾向を調べ、さら に東京の私立大学で英語を専攻している学生に対して実施した留学についての調査 の結果を検討している。JASSO の統計によると、2020年までは留学する日本人 大学生の数は増加傾向であったが、そのほとんどは短期留学であった。英語で行わ れたアンケート調査の目的は、著者の三つのクラスの72名の学生のうちの何割が 留学経験がある、もしくは留学の予定があるか、またすでに留学した学生はその経 験から恩恵を受けたと感じているか、学生は留学をするにあたってどのような不安 を持つか、さらに留学しないと答えた学生の場合は留学しない理由を明らかにする ことである。2018年1月に行われた調査の回答率は100パーセントであっ た。23人(32パーセント)の学生は留学経験があり、ほとんどの場合が英語圏 の国への短期留学である。留学経験のある学生の大半数が有益な経験ができ、英語 力が上達したと感じており、他の学生に留学を勧めると答えている。留学経験のな い学生の26人(53パーセント)が留学する予定だが、英語のコミュニケーショ ン、安全、金銭などについて不安を感じていた。留学しない理由については、旅 費、宿泊代、授業料など経済的な理由が大半であった。


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