Rural Radicals

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine McNicol Stock
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Oklahoma City ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rural America ◽  
Rural People ◽  
General Audience ◽  
Long Line ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

This book originally appeared in the wake of the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995. Written for a general audience, it asks where these “angry, white, rural men” came from and how their movements and grievances both stayed the same and changed over time. Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols acted in a long line of rural protesters on the left and the right—including the nineteenth century Populists--- who crusaded against big government, big business, and big banks. At the same time, and with little sense of contradiction, rural people also used violence to suppress the political voices of African Americans, Mormons, Chinese and many other marginalized people. In the new preface, Catherine McNicol Stock provides an update and overview of the increasingly conservative face of rural America. While populism in many historical eras meant hope and progress, for many today it means hate and a desire to turn back the clock on American history.

Comment: Overcoming His-story? Ms. Hughes's Treatment of Mr. Mill

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-554
Author(s):  
George Feaver
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Patron Saint ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
New Vision ◽  
The Right ◽  
Contemporary Liberalism

There is something intrepidly parochial in Patricia Hughes's account of Mill's views. Her very opening statement, with its new vision of society, its “emerging social forces,” its principals “trapped by traditional influences,” sets the tone for the enterprise which follows—an historical melodrama with J. S. Mill, the patron saint of contemporary liberalism, reborn in Canada without his aspergillum, an affable enough character, a sort of Bruno Gerussi of the political thought set, his do-gooder's heart generally in the right place but his head usually muddled: an admirably earnest figure, even, who some how always misses the point but, up to now, has gotten away with it. Our aspiring script-writer intends to set things right, to show how we can redo the storyline (which may require substituting another nineteenth century great in the leading role), so as to combine passion and theory in a really radical vision of a fully liberated society.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fundamental Challenge ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.

scholarly journals Radio and Television Programs for National Minorities of the Border Multicultural Region (on the example of Transcarpathia, 1930-1991)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 188-199
Author(s):  
Nataliia Tolochko
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Border Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
Television Programs ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Right To Information ◽  
The Right

      The article deals with the acute problems of the origin and development of radio and television programs for national minorities within the border region of Ukraine – Transcarpathia  (in pre-Soviet and Soviet periods). The problem under consideration is relevant because of the fact that since the nineteenth century seven states and state entities have changed the territory of Transcarpathia. As representatives of different nationalities, most numerous being Hungarians, Romanians, Russians, Roma, Slovaks, Germans  have long lived at this territory, attention has been paid to changing the ethnic picture over the years. The emergence and development of media for national minorities in the pre-Soviet and Soviet periods depended on the political order, ideology of the states including Transcarpathia. Therefore, some ethnic communities did not have radio and television programs in their mother tongue during the USSR period and were granted the right to information only after Ukraine gained independence.

Legitimacy and Power in the Soviet Union Through Socialist Ritual

1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christel Lane
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Change Over Time ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

Every political system must secure compliance with its commands on the part of the ruled; the methods applied to achieve this vary from society to society and within societies over time. One way of gaining compliance is for political elites to establish the legitimacy of the political system, of their position within it, and of the commands that are issued. Political power can be said to be legitimate when, in the words of Sternberger, it is exercised both with a consciousness on the part of the elite that it has a right to govern and with some recognition by the ruled of that right. Both this consciousness of the right to govern and its acknowledgement by the ruled is derived from some source of authorization which may change over time. This paper will focus on the conscious attempts of Soviet political elites from the early sixties onwards to change their strategy of gaining compliance by reducing reliance on coercion and strengthening political legitimacy. It will draw attention to their efforts to develop a new source of authorization and to employ a new legitimation procedure. In developing the theoretical argument the Weberian typology of legitimate rule will be employed, and this approach to the topic will be contrasted with that adopted by T. H. Rigby in two recent publications.

scholarly journals The European Union as mistake - realizations of European unity

conexus ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 196-211
Author(s):  
Malcolm MacLaren
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Iterative Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Form ◽  
European Unity ◽  
Long Line ◽  
Legal Forms ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) is the latest in a long line of failed attempts at European unity. Motivated by adverse experience, its founders proscribed a political and legal form for ‘Europe’, and their followers have sought to impose order and to effect integration. As predictable as the attempt has been the failure (attested by the frequent, complex, unresolved crises). It is not merely that the circumstances, conditions, and concerns have markedly changed (and continue to change) over time; it is more that ‘Europe’ cannot be successfully subjected to such schemes. Considered constructively, the experience of the EU offers insights into the process of constituting a polity. The first and last is the insight that unification is an iterative process, not an outcome; an ‘ever closer union’ is not an end state (literally or figuratively). These lie partly in the inescapably contextual nature of attempts at unifying Europe, each attempt being contingent on the circumstances etc. prevailing. A common will to order and belief in societal malleability may be present at particular periods among particular European elites (be they driven by functionalism, megalomania, or otherwise). However, determinative is the reality that no such schemes are realizable. The political and legal forms that might be suitable to the challenge of constituting the polity exceed our cognitive grasp. ‘Europe’ is too untidy and too fissiparous to be ruled through deliberation. Invariably, the best-laid plans of European statesmen have gone, and will go, awry. In this essay, I consider the meaning of European unification, not so much according to the normative or empirical details of given attempts, as according to the epistemological magnitude of repeated failures. In the way of conclusion, I will pointedly not propose a way out of the contemporary crises etc. or an own project for European unity.

The Religious Micropolitics of White Over Black

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-54
Author(s):  
Joanna Brooks
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
African Americans ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Church Leaders ◽  
Mormon History ◽  
Lds Church ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Critical Moments

White supremacy gains power through millions upon millions of micropolitical decisions that people who believe they are “white” make every day. The idea that being “white” was good and valuable took shape over time as people who believed they were “white” preferred one another’s interests over the interests of those who were non-“white” and so began to consolidate group power. This chapter introduces the micropolitics of white supremacy—the day-to-day choices and interactions through which whiteness assumes value. It investigates critical moments in nineteenth-century Mormon history when LDS Church leaders chose to privilege the interests of whites over the lives and concerns of African Americans, setting into place the micropolitical foundations for a fully institutionalized white supremacy.

scholarly journals ‘Destiny seems to point me to that country’: early nineteenth-century African American migration, emigration, and expansion

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bronwen Everill
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Social Development ◽  
African Diaspora ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pull Factors ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Push And Pull Factors ◽  
Push And Pull

AbstractTraditional American historiography has dismissed the Liberian settlement scheme as impractical, racist, and naïve. The movement of Americans to Liberia, and other territorial and extraterritorial destinations, however, reveals the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that influenced movement in the African diaspora. The reaction of different African Americans to these factors influenced the political and social development of Liberia as well as the colony's image at home. Africans migrating within and beyond US borders participated in a broader movement of people and the development of settler ideology in the nineteenth century.

Turning the Other Cheek: Profile Direction in Self-Portraiture

1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Latto
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Opposite Direction ◽  
Spatial Organization ◽  
Temporal Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
Art Gallery ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

The spatial organization of the forty-seven self-portraits in the exhibition “Face to Face: Three Centuries of Artists' Self-Portraiture” held at the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool, was analyzed and compared with previously published studies, all of which have obtained their data predominantly from non-self-portraits. In the seventeenth century there was a significant asymmetry in self-portraits for both the direction of profile, with most paintings showing the right profile, and the direction of lighting, with most paintings showing the light coming from the left of the painting. Both these asymmetries declined over time and were not present in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century paintings. The lighting asymmetry and the temporal change confirmed findings with non-self-portraits, but the profile asymmetry was in the opposite direction probably because of the use of mirrors to generate the image being painted. Taken together, the findings support an explanation for asymmetries in portraits of all kinds in terms of the conventions of studio organization.

scholarly journals The Alevi and questions of identity, including violence and insider/outsider perspectives

2006 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 108-125
Author(s):  
Tina Hamrin-Dahl
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat (‘exaggerated’, ‘extremist’) and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi’ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş (‘red-head’) is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma’il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet’s blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed’s struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi’ites and over time a symbol of Shi’ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi’ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

scholarly journals Crucial Images in the Presentation of a Kurdish National Identity

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-107
Author(s):  
Halil Ibrahim Yenigün
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Long Line ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Civilized World

This book is primarily a history of the early Kurdish movement, from itsinception in the late nineteenth century to the 1930s. Yet, its distinctivenesscomes not from the Kurdish nationalists’ more publicized products, but fromits focus on the margins of their literary attempts. This study of failed nationalism“is concerned less with how and why Kurdish nationalism did or didnot ‘catch on’ than with the efforts made by [the] Kurdish elite to constructa viable concept of Kurdish identity” (p. 1). In other words, the author’smain concern is to identify how images of the Kurds were constructed andrepresented, and how they evolved, over time, until the late 1930s.The book is divided into three parts, each of which corresponds to a differentperiod that delineates differing self-images of the Kurds. Each part,in turn, consists of six to eight chapters that provide an account of both keyevents in the Kurdish movement’s history and literary works. Part 1,“‘Awakening’ the Kurds,” deals with the movement’s background contextand early period by discussing its leaders, several publications, and organizations.In this period, the Kurds’ self-definition was predominantly negative,and obstacles to modernization abounded: tribal structures, a nomadicway of life, illiteracy, ignorance, and wildness.Yet the Turks were never the “inimical other,” except for such people asthe Ottoman sultan Abdulhamid and “a long line of Ottoman despots.” Theyhad a long list of prescriptions to awaken and literally “remake” the Kurds sothat they could be accepted by the nations of the civilized world. When theWilsonian principles granted their right to self-determination without this culturalleap, some Kurds wanted a Kurdish state. However, the vast majoritymourned for the Treaty of Sevrés along with their Turkish brethren, despitethe fact that its articles established Kurdistan. This chapter also describes howmost Kurds joined forces with the Kemalists to drive out the occupiers, onlyto be frustrated by the Kemalists’ subsequent assimilation projects ...

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