A New Generation of Disappearances: Gangs and the State in El Salvador

Around 17,000 Salvadorans have disappeared in the third decade of the post-conflict period (2010-2020). This number more than doubles the estimated 8,000 people who disappeared during the Salvadoran Civil War (1980-1992). Despite its astounding scale, the phenomenon of disappearance in El Salvador has garnered little attention from the international community and has yet to be fully examined. This chapter redresses this invisibility by contrasting a top-down and a bottom-up view on the phenomenon. According to state government officials, disappearances primarily occur at the hands of the Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs. Those inhabiting the peripheries of El Salvador and suffering the deep psychological impact of having a missing relative also hold transnational gangs responsible. However, they connect the phenomenon to abuses by state forces and to complex entanglements between state agents and gangs. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in El Salvador in 2018, this chapter argues that the new generation of disappearances in El Salvador must be analysed in relation to a broader continuum of state violations and state-criminal relations. It also points to the crucial need to engage the perspectives of relatives of the disappeared to make fuller sense of the phenomenon

High Cost Success

This chapter evaluates how the counterinsurgency campaign during the Salvadoran civil war provides support for the compellence theory. In El Salvador from 1979 to 1992, the U.S.-backed government fought the Communist and nationalist insurgency to a draw, preserving the government from an insurgent takeover. Elite accommodation took place largely among civilian and military officers in the government as hard-liners and slightly more liberal political and military entrepreneurs jockeyed for influence. The Salvadoran government resisted U.S.-pressed reforms but accepted U.S. efforts to strengthen its security forces. It used its increased fighting ability to clear civilian areas, creating vast refugee flows that reduced provision of material support to the insurgency. It also used U.S.-provided air power to break down the insurgency's conventional formations but was never able to successfully pursue and destroy the smaller bands of insurgents or gain more popular support than it began the war with. Continued insurgent political and military strength, along with the end of the Cold War, forced the United States and the hard-liners within the military to accept peace talks and a political settlement to the war rather than the military victory they had pressed for.

Bullets Not Ballots

This book challenges the claim that winning “hearts and minds” is critical to successful counterinsurgency campaigns. Good governance, this conventional wisdom holds, gains the besieged government popular support, denies support to the insurgency, and makes military victory possible. The book argues that major counterinsurgent successes since World War II have resulted not through democratic reforms but rather through the use of military force against civilians and the co-optation of rival elites. The book offers new analyses of five historical cases frequently held up as examples of the effectiveness of good governance in ending rebellions — the Malayan Emergency, the Greek Civil War, the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines, the Dhofar rebellion in Oman, and the Salvadoran Civil War — to show that, although unpalatable, it was really brutal repression and bribery that brought each conflict to an end. By showing how compellence works in intrastate conflicts, the book makes clear that whether or not the international community decides these human, moral, and material costs are acceptable, responsible policymaking requires recognizing the actual components of counterinsurgent success — and the limited influence that external powers have over the tactics of counterinsurgent elites.

Rupturing the Silences: Intergenerational Construction of Salvadoran Immigrant War Necronarratives

As the children of wartime immigrants from El Salvador become adults, they must grapple with the role violence played—and continues to play—in Salvadoran society. Second-generation Salvadorans interpret their relatives’ stories of war, death, and violence through a lens that prioritizes lessons gained over traumatization. Thus, immigrant parents’ casual discussions about their experiences during the Salvadoran Civil War (1979–1992) become what this article calls necronarratives: stories pieced together from memories based on foiling death and violence generated through state necropolitics. Youth interpret inherited memories through a lens of survival, resilience, and healing. Necropolitics refers to the ability of the state to legislate and draw policies that determine who lives and who dies. Although scholars have noted that high levels of war-related trauma among Salvadoran immigrants cause them to remain silent about those experiences, my research reveals that children of these immigrants collect and construct narratives using the memory fragments shared during casual conversations with their relatives. Drawing from 20 semi-structured interviews with U.S. Salvadorans, this paper shows that U.S. Salvadorans construct narratives out of their family’s war memories in order to locate affirming qualities of the Salvadoran experience such as surviving a war, achieving migration, and building a life in a new country. Contrary to past indications that Central American migrants live in silence about their national origins in order to avoid discrimination in the U.S. and to avoid traumatizing their children, this study on second-generation Salvadoran adults describes the ethnic roots information families do share through war stories. The Salvadoran case shows youth actively engage with necronarratives as they come of age to adulthood to yield lessons about how their national origins and ethnic heritages shape their senses of belonging and exclusion within U.S. society.

Craft and Artisan Initiatives of the Salvadoran Civil War (1980–1992)

This article describes the testimonies of two arts and crafts collectives during the Salvadoran Civil War in the 1980s. These collectives, open to victims and refugees of the war, emerged as creative spaces during a time of significant social unrest. As participants learned to make and produce arts and crafts, these activities encouraged individual expression and allowed them to heal traumatic experiences. By describing the aspects that motivated and discouraged the involvement of participants over time, we show how the individual and collective aspects of making are important for the sustained participation of the people who engage in maker culture. We draw comparisons between the struggles of these historical movements and of current embodiments of the maker culture, in order to draw conclusions regarding how making can be a personal catalyst in the face of social hardship, the importance of economic sustainability in maker initiatives and how unjust gender dynamics take place in these spaces. The ability to compare and learn from these historical initiatives serves to unpack maker culture as a social asset that can be described beyond the mere use of digital tools and to repurpose it as a more inclusive concept that takes into account narratives from a broader range of expressions of making.

Epilogue

This chapter analyses health-care disagreements that reveal the continuing debates over women's role in the church but lacked the focus on Maryknoll. It discusses the Vatican's response to Central America and liberation theology that showed a marked changed from the 1980s just as U.S. domestic debates focused less on Maryknoll. It also recounts how Miguel d'Escoto successfully petitioned Pope Francis to reinstate him as an active priest in 2014 after being suspended in 1985 for refusing to give up his post as Nicaragua's foreign minister. The chapter mentions Maryknoller Roy Bourgeois that remained excommunicated for participating in a ceremony in which a woman was ordained. It investigates how the United States repudiated the human rights abuses of the Salvadoran civil war under Barack Obama.

Violence and Restraint in the Salvadoran Civil War, 1980–92

This chapter demonstrates—to the extent that estimates of repertoires are available and believable for the Salvadoran case—that the Commander's Dilemma framework explains patterns of violence that other theoretical approaches cannot. Yet the patterns themselves are difficult, and in some cases impossible, to pin down. Some of the hypotheses laid out in the preceding chapters cannot be tested with confidence here. Thus, the chapter opens with a discussion of the difficulty of accurately estimating patterns of violence, and the tendency of political scientists—who are primarily interested in causal inference—to avoid the prior and more serious problem of descriptive inference. It then uses multiple systems estimation (MSE) and a variety of strategies to consider variations in repertoires of violence and restraint in the Salvadoran civil war.

Civil War in El Salvador

This chapter examines the social, political, and economic factors underlying the Salvadoran civil war, and the development of the organizations that ultimately contested the war. The military government's intense, disproportionate repression of even moderate reformers both accelerated progress toward war and served as a tactic of war. Similarly, the histories, and prehistories, of both state and rebel organizations informed their strategies and tactics in conflict. El Salvador's civil war featured well-organized, ideologically sophisticated Communist rebels, who sought control of the state, rather than resource wealth, secession, or ethnic domination. Facing them was a generally inept and brutal state force, which ultimately required vast amounts of assistance from the United States—military and otherwise—to avoid losing the war outright. Yet there was little demographic difference between the fighting forces, in terms of age, education, ethnicity, or other factors. The chapter then looks at some broad, structural similarities and differences between El Salvador's war and others.