ideological preference
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Significance Haddad's visit, his second in four months, reflects Russia's outreach efforts with the GNU as Libya moves towards elections in December. Moscow is hedging its bets by also engaging with longer-standing partners in the east. A Russian diplomat indicated yesterday that, despite a multilateral commitment to withdraw foreign forces from Libya, Moscow would not do so unless others (meaning Turkey) did so too. Impacts Russia will try to enhance its diplomatic position, formally weaker than that of Turkey, which Tripoli invited to deploy troops. Moscow has the advantage of no strong ideological preference, unlike the United Arab Emirates. More than many states, Russia's leaders thrive on confusion, multiple local actors and clashing external players.


2021 ◽  
pp. 255-282
Author(s):  
Niamh Dunne

In Chapter 10, Niamh Dunne tackles a key and developing enforcement issue which had not been dealt with in either of the preceding collections: ‘Concurrency’. The concurrency regime empowers certain sector regulators in the UK to apply the competition rules in tandem with the Competition and Markets Authority. Reflecting a strong ideological preference for the benefits of competition over more prescriptive forms of regulatory supervision, the regime has, however, struggled to deliver effective enforcement in practice. This chapter discusses the evolution of the concurrency framework with particular emphasis on the enhancements introduced by the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act 2013, which sought both to encourage regulators to make greater use of their concurrent powers, and to give the CMA a more formal leadership role in assisting them to do so. Subsequent enforcement activity is discussed, alongside the future prospects of competition law in the regulated sectors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-266
Author(s):  
Wajiran Wajiran ◽  
Dani Fadillah

Literary works have been believed to be media to spread ideas or ideology. This paper seeks to examine the images of women before Indonesia’s Reformation Era as reflected in Ahmad Tohari's Bekisar Merah and after the Reformation Era as reflected in Ayu Utami's Saman. By employing qualitative modes of inquiry and theories in the sociology of literature, this study has shown that images of women before and after Indonesia’s Reformation Era were depicted differently. Before Indonesia’s Reformation Era, the image of women tended to be submissive in dealing with the socio-political dynamics, while after the Reformation Era in 1998, they were depicted as progressive and even rebellious. However, it is also important to notice that this difference indicated the writers' political and ideological preference in describing the women’s position in Indonesian society in their era. The findings of this study support Gramsci's idea about ideological or cultural hegemony presented by literary work.


Author(s):  
David Cressy

This chapter examines the garrison governments that managed most islands during the 1650s, following parliament’s victory in the English civil war. Customary constitutional arrangements were overridden, and island culture became both anglicized and militarized, as the revolutionary state sought to incorporate the periphery into a national administration. While giving lip service to local traditions of law and governance, the republican regime in London appointed English army officers to rule the islands. The new military governors had limited tolerance for insular peculiarities, which nonetheless survived their administrations. Island constitutional issues, as always, were shaded with ideological preference and laced with self-interest, as inhabitants of Jersey, Guernsey, the Isles of Scilly, the Isle of Wight, and the Isle of Man sparred with their masters in London.


Author(s):  
Clark Banack

Abstract This article documents an ethnographic case study designed to provide deeper insight into the manifestation of political opinion in the rural areas of Alberta, Canada. Employing “a method of listening,” the study demonstrates that rural Albertans, like rural Americans, are feeling politically alienated and angry in ways that go beyond ideological preference, age or income level. In fact, the grievances unveiled in this study are connected directly to key aspects of their social identites: to thier sense of belonging as Albertans, as “ordinary citizens” and as explicitly rural. Importantly, these forms of alienation are often experienced as being layered, frequently melting into each other and strongly informing both these citizens’ strong support for anti-establishment politics and the rather negative fashion in which they interpret the plight of newcomers to Canada and of Indigenous Canadians.


ORDO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2018 (69) ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Peter J. Boettke ◽  
M. Scott King

AbstractFreedom of inquiry remains one of the core tenants of the liberal project. However, in a 1960 letter, James M. Buchanan argued that free inquiry was important for more than just philosophical reasons. In fact, freedom of inquiry and the ability to participate in collective choice processes was at the heart of Buchanan’s methodological commitments to social science and foundational to the entire project of Virginia Political Economy. In this paper, we will show why freedom of inquiry assumes the central place that it holds in Buchanan’s methodology and research more broadly. Insisting on inquiry being open and free to all was not simply an ideological preference held by Buchanan—rather, to him it was the only way forward for Virginia Political Economy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 509-533
Author(s):  
Rulyjanto Podungge

When a society grows and the needs of its members increase, the relation between them and other people—who possess various primordial identities—will be impossibly avoided. This social relation will potentially bring about friction among different groups existed in the society. Islam has established a number of rules concerning the relationship of Muslims and other religious adherents. Although the regulations have been firmly settled, the controversy among the Muslims themselves—in dealing with their relation with the non-Muslims—is often inevitable. The issue of relation with other people of different religions has become contentiously debatable topic among the Muslim academics. The debate has subsequently brought about the emergence of different ideological inclinations within the Muslim society. This ideological preference emerges through such number of “appearances” as moderates, radicals, liberals, traditionalists, and modernists. Each group possesses its own perception along with its arguments about the issue. This article seeks to explain the pattern of Muslims and non-Muslims relation in the light of more moderate and contextual approach. This is so why that Muslims should constantly prioritize inclusive behavior and reciprocally sincere interreligious dialogue with their non-Muslim fellows.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-171
Author(s):  
Abdullah Abdullah

The article attempts to measure ideological preference and religious attitude of the students of Alauddin State Islamic University (UIN) Makassar. The typology of religious understanding is categorized into radical, moderate, and liberal. These three typologies help us to observe preference indicators based on students’ responses to four categorical variables, namely Islam and religious pluralism, formalization of Islam (relation of religion and state), Islam and intellectual discourse, and perception of jihad and religious violence. Employing quantitative approach, the author tries to measure the level of religious preferences of UIN Alauddin’s students within positivistic paradigm by organizing the data into a pattern, category, and basic unit description. The study finds that the level of preference of four variables and 16 questions asked to the students of UIN Alauddin shows us index result 2.76 or moderate category. However, it is also found that there has been potential preference, within the same time, into radical attitude. The reason is that in some variables I find shocking index numbers, which are close to radical verge as it can be seen in the variables of Islam and pluralism and the formalization of Islam which reach the index 2.49 and 2.40 respectively. Keywords: ; religious attitude; radical; moderate; liberal.


2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Atran

AbstractLankford overgeneralizes individual psychology from limited, fragmentary and doubtful materials, and underplays strategic, ideological, and group dynamical factors. His speculative claims manifest a form of fundamental attribution error: the tendency – especially evident in popular attachment to moral presumptions of individual responsibility and volition – to overestimate effects of personality and underestimate situational effects in explaining social behavior. The book's appeal may owe more to ideological preference than to interests of science or national security.


2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER ORAKHELASHVILI

AbstractAny legal system, including the international legal system, consists of rules that serve multiple purposes and functions that the legal system in question needs to perform in order to survive as a viable organism. Jurisprudence of national and international courts relating to areas such as responsibility, immunity, and dispute settlement has involved intensive discussions as to the nature and implications of the various categories of rules. Approaching this broad area, with its multiple components, requires careful differentiation of the nature of those various categories of rules, for the fact that the relevant classification of rules works in one area does not inherently make it workable in other areas, which is confirmed in practice. The most problematic issue remains the judicial application of jus cogens in relation to state immunities and the ensuing distinction between substantive and procedural rules. It is shown in this contribution that this artificial distinction does not reflect the functions international law actually accords to its various rules, and is instead a product of political and ideological preference to keep particular classes of plaintiffs out of certain jurisdictions.


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