scholarly journals The Struggle for Imperial Preferential Trade, 1887-1917, with Particular Reference to New Zealand

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ian Thomas Galloway

<p>The years 1887-1917 were years of continuous efforts to reconcile seeming irreconcilables in the economic sphere of relations between Great Britain and those of her self-governing colonies who were rapidly attaining to nationhood: Canada, the Australian and South African colonies, and New Zealand. Simply stated the problem on the one side was how the Mother Country could satisfy the demands of these colonies for some preference to their exports, when to do so would involve her in a fiscal revolution. She stood firmly, with almost religious fervour by the tenets of free trade, and to advocate any radical change would be a policy of political suicide for any party which adopted it as its platform. At the time she was the leader of the world's commerce, a fact that she attributed to the very free trade policy which the colonies would overthrow. From the colonial point of view, the problem was to meet what appeared to them, a growing threat to their own exports by those foreign powers, mainly Germany and America, who through a policy of protection were keeping British products out of their own markets, and who through subsidies and differential rates were able to undersell the colonies on the Home market. These same foreign powers, in spite of colonial protective tariffs, were able to compete with the small local industries, and in many cases could undersell the the produce of the Mother Country in the colonies. The answer which the colonies seized eagerly upon and fought so long and strenuously for, was an imperial preferential trade. Immediately, however, they were faced with the fact that the portion of the Empire most concerned, namely Britain, refused to change her fiscal system for a policy which she considered unnecessary and inimical to her own interests.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ian Thomas Galloway

<p>The years 1887-1917 were years of continuous efforts to reconcile seeming irreconcilables in the economic sphere of relations between Great Britain and those of her self-governing colonies who were rapidly attaining to nationhood: Canada, the Australian and South African colonies, and New Zealand. Simply stated the problem on the one side was how the Mother Country could satisfy the demands of these colonies for some preference to their exports, when to do so would involve her in a fiscal revolution. She stood firmly, with almost religious fervour by the tenets of free trade, and to advocate any radical change would be a policy of political suicide for any party which adopted it as its platform. At the time she was the leader of the world's commerce, a fact that she attributed to the very free trade policy which the colonies would overthrow. From the colonial point of view, the problem was to meet what appeared to them, a growing threat to their own exports by those foreign powers, mainly Germany and America, who through a policy of protection were keeping British products out of their own markets, and who through subsidies and differential rates were able to undersell the colonies on the Home market. These same foreign powers, in spite of colonial protective tariffs, were able to compete with the small local industries, and in many cases could undersell the the produce of the Mother Country in the colonies. The answer which the colonies seized eagerly upon and fought so long and strenuously for, was an imperial preferential trade. Immediately, however, they were faced with the fact that the portion of the Empire most concerned, namely Britain, refused to change her fiscal system for a policy which she considered unnecessary and inimical to her own interests.</p>


Author(s):  
Ingrid Le Roux ◽  
Kelly Duncan

<p><strong>Purpose:</strong> to study the level of knowledge and awareness of business rescue of entrepreneurs who are potential creditors of businesses filing for rescue, and to identify the major issues and concerns from the creditors’ point of view.</p><p><strong>Methodology:</strong> the design of the study was a survey to examine the level of knowledge, awareness and experience of Chapter 6 of The South African Companies Act No. 71 of 2008 and to seek to describe the status from a creditor’s perspective.</p><p><strong>Findings:</strong> The literature revealed the role that creditors have to play in the business rescue process. It indicated the potential for creditors to emerge with a better return than the one that liquidation would offer. The primary data demonstrated that the respondents’ level of knowledge and awareness of and about rescue and the roles and powers associated with the Companies Act is extremely low and of grave concern to the industry.</p><p><strong>Practical Implications:</strong> there is a large gap between the level of knowledge available and what is actually known. The result is entrepreneurs who do not comprehend the significance of this legislation and its potential consequences for their business.</p><p><strong>Originality:</strong> this paper addresses the limited research available on business rescue issues. Due to the newness of the Act, sparse case law exists and little scientific research data is available.</p><p><strong>Key words:</strong> Companies Act, business rescue, creditors, knowledge, awareness</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-107
Author(s):  
Liliana Lizarazo-Rodríguez ◽  
Philippe De Lombaerde

Colombia’s Constitution of 1991 is an ambitious text which tries to strike a balance between laying a strong foundation for economic modernization and liberalization, on the one hand, and the creation of a Social State of Law and the protection of an impressive list of constitutional rights, on the other. Because of the doctrine that has been developed by the Constitutional Court since then, it has been considered as one of the most activist courts worldwide, next to courts such as the South African court. One of the factors that has thereby complicated its task is the fact that, since the 1990s, the government has actively multiplied its international economic commitments. In this article, case law of the Colombian Constitutional Court is analyzed, with a focus on balancing: (a) between the binding character of (regional and bilateral) free trade commitments and the constitutional competences of the sub-national level, and (b) between international free trade commitments and the protection of constitutional social rights. Both cases shed light on the balancing task of the court in a complex international context, in the presence of a multi-level regulatory architecture.


Author(s):  
Emma Charlene Lubaale

South African courts, in at least two reported cases, have dealt with restorative justice (RJ) in sentencing offenders (i.e. State v. Thabethe (Thabethe case); State v. Seedat (Seedat case)). In both of these cases, the Supreme Court of Appeal rejected the notion of RJ in its entirety, with the presiding judges ‘[cautioning] seriously against the use of restorative justice as a sentence for serious offences.’ However, in countries such as New Zealand, courts have handed down custodial sentences in cases of serious offences while giving due regard to RJ at the same time. The purpose of this article is to highlight some of the strategies that New Zealand courts have invoked to ensure that a balance is struck between retributive justice and RJ. On the basis of this analysis, a conclusion is drawn that RJ can play a role in criminal matters by having it reflect through reduced sentences. With such a strategy, courts can strike a balance between the clear and powerful need for a denunciating sentence on the one hand and RJ on the other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-122
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Bulajić ◽  
Miomir Despotović ◽  
Thomas Lachmann

Abstract. The article discusses the emergence of a functional literacy construct and the rediscovery of illiteracy in industrialized countries during the second half of the 20th century. It offers a short explanation of how the construct evolved over time. In addition, it explores how functional (il)literacy is conceived differently by research discourses of cognitive and neural studies, on the one hand, and by prescriptive and normative international policy documents and adult education, on the other hand. Furthermore, it analyses how literacy skills surveys such as the Level One Study (leo.) or the PIAAC may help to bridge the gap between cognitive and more practical and educational approaches to literacy, the goal being to place the functional illiteracy (FI) construct within its existing scale levels. It also sheds more light on the way in which FI can be perceived in terms of different cognitive processes and underlying components of reading. By building on the previous work of other authors and previous definitions, the article brings together different views of FI and offers a perspective for a needed operational definition of the concept, which would be an appropriate reference point for future educational, political, and scientific utilization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Dyah Adriantini Sintha Dewi

The Ombudsman as an external oversight body for official performance, in Fikih Siyasah (constitutionality in Islam) is included in the supervision stipulated in legislation (al-musahabah al-qomariyah). Supervision is done so that public service delivery to the community is in accordance with the rights of the community. This is done because in carrying out its duties, officials are very likely to conduct mal administration, which is bad public services that cause harm to the community. The Ombudsman is an institution authorized to resolve the mal administration issue, in which one of its products is by issuing a recommendation. Although Law No. 37 of 2018 on the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia states that the recommendation is mandatory, theombudsman's recommendations have not been implemented. This is due to differences in point of view, ie on the one hand in the context of law enforcement, but on the other hand the implementation of the recommendation is considered as a means of opening the disgrace of officials. Recommendations are the last alternative of Ombudsman's efforts to resolve the mal administration case, given that a win-win solution is the goal, then mediation becomes the main effort. This is in accordance with the condition of the Muslim majority of Indonesian nation and prioritizes deliberation in resolving dispute. Therefore, it is necessary to educate the community and officials related to the implementation of the Ombudsman's recommendations in order to provide good public services for the community, which is the obligation of the government.


Author(s):  
Fanie du Toit

Reconciliation emphasizes relationships as a crucial ingredient of political transition; this book argues for the importance of such a relational focus in crafting sustainable political transitions. Section I focuses on South Africa’s transition to democracy—how Mandela and De Klerk persuaded skeptical constituencies to commit to political reconciliation, how this proposal gained momentum, and how well the transition resulted in the goal of an inclusive and fair society. In developing a coherent theory of reconciliation to address questions such as these, I explain political reconciliation from three angles and thereby build a concept of reconciliation that corresponds largely with the South African experience. In Section II, these questions lead the discussion beyond South Africa into some of the prominent theoretical approaches to reconciliation in recent times. I develop typologies for three different reconciliation theories: forgiveness, agonism, and social restoration. I conclude in Section III that relationships created through political reconciliation, between leaders as well as between ordinary citizens, are illuminated when understood as an expression of a comprehensive “interdependence” that precedes any formal peace processes between enemies. I argue that linking reconciliation with the acknowledgment of interdependence emphasizes that there is no real alternative to reconciliation if the motivation is the long-term well-being of one’s own community. Without ensuring the conditions in which an enemy can flourish, one’s own community is unlikely to prosper sustainably. This theoretical approach locates the deepest motivation for reconciliation in choosing mutual well-being above the one-sided fight for exclusive survival at the other’s cost.


Dreyfus argues that there is a basic methodological difference between the natural sciences and the social sciences, a difference that derives from the different goals and practices of each. He goes on to argue that being a realist about natural entities is compatible with pluralism or, as he calls it, “plural realism.” If intelligibility is always grounded in our practices, Dreyfus points out, then there is no point of view from which one can ask about or provide an answer to the one true nature of ultimate reality. But that is consistent with believing that the natural sciences can still reveal the way the world is independent of our theories and practices.


Author(s):  
James Meffan

This chapter discusses the history of multicultural and transnational novels in New Zealand. A novel set in New Zealand will have to deal with questions about cultural access rights on the one hand and cultural coverage on the other. The term ‘transnational novel’ gains its relevance from questions about cultural and national identity, questions that have particularly exercised nations formed from colonial history. The chapter considers novels that demonstrate and respond to perceived deficiencies in wider discourses of cultural and national identity by way of comparison between New Zealand and somewhere else. These include Amelia Batistich's Another Mountain, Another Song (1981), Albert Wendt's Sons for the Return Home (1973) and Black Rainbow (1992), James McNeish's Penelope's Island (1990), Stephanie Johnson's The Heart's Wild Surf (2003), and Lloyd Jones's Mister Pip (2006).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document