Preface

Indonesia up till now always endorse the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a global development agreement. Through today International Conference we would like to appeal to all scientists, researchers, marine activators from all over the world together to manage and protect marine and coastal ecosystems. From any activities that may negative impact to the sustainable use of ocean based resources. We understand and realize that by now we are all suffer under the pandemic disease of COVID-19. The disease, that has set our condition, world widely setback in many sectors and aspects including the marine and environment. Therefore, the Goals of the SDGs those have been design are still align with the latest condition. The SDGs are designed to involve all development actors, be they the Government, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), the private sector, academics, and so on. Collaboration among researchers is successful key to achieve these goals, and interdisciplinary collaboration within marine science is also expected to trigger research and development activities, especially in the tropical regions of Indonesia. List of Keynote Speakers, Invited Speakers, Editor in Chief, Conference Chair, Editorial Committee, Scientific Committee, Assistant Editors, The 4th ICMS Documentation and Photos are available in the pdf.

Two Key Ocean Governance Challenges for Sao Tome and Principe

Living resources directly support the livelihood of coastal communities in Sao Tome e Principe, while oil and gas reserves are needed to improve economic growth. Yet these resources are widely coveted, resulting in illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, as well as illegal oil bunkering and theft of crude oil. STP has settled its maritime boundaries with Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, but not with Nigeria. Instead, the two countries agreed on a joint development regime in the disputed maritime area, albeit unsuccessfully. This article examines two key challenges currently facing STP: unblocking the STP-Nigeria joint development agreement and addressing IUUF.

COVID-19 Pandemic as a Challenge to Franco-German Leadership in the EU

The study is focused on the COVID 19 pandemic as a challenge for Franco-German leadership in the European Union. The authors investigate whether joint actions by Berlin and Paris can strengthen the EU’s resilience to crises. As it is shown, the first isolationist reaction of the EU states to pandemic was followed by their attempts to find a common decision. The negotiations on an anti-crisis plan were complicated by the division of the European Union states into opposing camps. Two projects proposed by them – the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the “coronabonds” – reflected the narrow interests of rich, frugal “Northern” and economically modest “Southern” groups, and failed. In contrast, the Franco-German cooperation became a breakthrough. In March-April 2020, Germany and France opposed each other, supporting ESM and coronabonds, respectfully. In May-June 2020, A. Merkel and E. Macron agreed to a compromise and came up with a unified position. While Germany left “frugal” group by agreeing to allocate money to support the “South” without insisting on mandatory reforms, and endorsed the idea of joint debt obligations, France refused to support the “Southern” coronabond project and agreed to the mediation of the EU Commission. That gave new breath to negotiations where a new regrouping of countries took place: the “South” states failing to defend coronabonds supported the Franco-German plan based on subsidies, while the “frugals” put forward an alternative based on loans. The EU Commission’s project which included both proposals was discussed in July 2020: at that moment, the Franco-German tandem backed by the “South” states had to persuade both the “frugal” and the East- European states. Finally, the EU Commission’s plan promoted by Merkel and Macron was adopted, though with serious adjustments. The authors conclude that the Franco-German alliance has confirmed its capability to strengthen the European Union resilience, but its leadership is no longer unconditional, and in the future, they should take into account the interests of the EU regional groups. Acknowledgments. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

The Main German Parties Ahead of the 2021 Bundestag Elections

The article is devoted to changes in the party-political system of Germany. Elections to the Bundestag are to be held in Germany on September 26. After 16 years of the leadership, Angela Merkel will not run for chancellor. Currently, the main German political parties face challenges. Major parties lose electoral support. The emergence of a new party, the “Alternative for Germany”, split votes, and makes it difficult to form a coalition. Parties should also overcome internal split and find their identity in a changing world. An analysis of the electoral programmes revealed that German political parties seek to return to traditional identity. CDU/CSU moves to the right, seeking to win back the AfG supporters. SPD and FDP in their electoral documents also appeal to their traditional electorate. The AfG’s nomination of lead candidates supported by the right wing of the party also indicates that the “Alternative for Germany” will move towards radical right-wing positions. The Left Party comes out with radical leftist demands, which limits the possibility of its entry into the coalition. The most successful is the Green Party’s electoral strategy. Party leaders abandoned radical demands of their predecessors. Greens advocate a citizen-supported climate program, but pay attention to the economic viability of reforms. According to polls, the black-green coalition (CDU/CSU and Union 90/Greens) seems the most likely. However, in the course of coalition negotiations, the parties may face difficulties in finding a compromise on tax policy and environmental reforms. At the same time, the parties have no significant contradictions on the foreign policy agenda (with the exception of a number of specific issues). Acknowledgments. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of science and higher education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

Adolescent Eco-Activism in Crisis

Received 09.12.2020. The article analyzes the activities of the adolescent environmental community “Fridays For Future” in the context of the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The school climate activist movement was initiated in 2018 in Sweden by 15-year-old Greta Thunberg. It has actively been gaining momentum during the two years of its existence. Thanks to the attention of the media and leading international organizations, it has acquired worldwide fame. But in 2020, due to the spread of coronavirus infection, the FFF was forced to pass the first serious test of strength. In the context of quarantine, it has lost two of its most important components. First, the increased interest of the media, which focused on covering a new burning topic, has dried up. Secondly, street demonstrations, which were the main method of the activists’ struggle, were banned. The author of the article explores actions and new ways of activity that the members of the “Fridays For Future” have adapted to their goals. As a source base for this research, the Internet resources of the movement are investigated which have been developed quite well during its existence. In addition to this network of information, the materials of the mass media that continued to monitor the activities of young climate fighters were also reviewed. In addition, the works of other researchers studying the FFF movement are involved, unfortunately, not many, since the topic is relatively new. The article concludes about the ability of such type of associations as the “Fridays For Future” to maintain stability in crisis situations. This is facilitated by the features of their network device, as well as the generational identity of their participants. The main core of the movement is young students, whose representatives have mastered the new information technologies perfectly. Thanks to this fact, they are able to quickly adjust their methods and software settings, while generally maintaining a common commitment to their goals. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of science and higher education of The Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

Place of the Development Agreement among the Contracts in the Construction Industry

The article is devoted to the implementation of the comparative characteristics of the development agreement and other similar contractual structures that can be used by businesses in the field of construction. The author provides the author’s definition of the development agreement and draws attention to the fact that none of the agreements named in the current legislation of Ukraine fully reflects the specifics of the development relationship. At the same time, the development agreement in its content contains features (elements) characteristic of a number of other agreements, in particular, agency, concession, joint venture, simple partnership, property management, power of attorney, commission, contract, etc. In the article it is concluded that in the scientific literature, the development agreement is often disclosed through the construction of the agency agreement. However, such a position, according to the author, is unfounded, which is proved by a distinguishing number of common and distinctive features of these agreements. The situation is similar with power of attorney and commission agreements, the legal constructions of which can only partially satisfy the needs of the customer and the developer in settling relations between them. The author argues that the development agreement should also be distinguished from a rather similar in content concession agreement, the legal regulation of which is provided by the Law of Ukraine «On Concession» № 155-IX of 03.10.2019. In particular, the differences are in the subject, the procedure for concluding and executing agreements, the mandatory presence of a public law element in the concession agreement and a number of other aspects. In the article it is emphasized that the development agreement also cannot be reduced to the construction of a joint venture agreement, a simple partnership agreement and a property management agreement. However, some features (elements) of the latter may be given in the development agreement. The author emphasizes that the development agreement should be distinguished from agreements in the field of construction, primarily in their subject, which determines the presence of a number of other distinctive features. Thus, the development agreement does not provide for the direct performance of construction work by the developer, in contrast to agreements. In turn, the latter do not provide for the provision of services to the customer, which are the subject of the development agreement.

South Korea Boundary Disputes in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea

South Korea faces a complex situation of overlapping claims in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea, in addition to those in the East Sea (or Sea of Japan). The boundary disputes in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea raise two distinctive challenges. The first concerns the joint development agreement signed with Japan almost four decades ago. This agreement is at a stalemate and its initial term of fifty years is fast approaching. There are also reports that the dormancy of the agreement might be partly attributed to an alleged material breach by Japan. Therefore, South Korea should consider the available alternatives, particularly if Japan does not intend to renew the joint development agreement, but instead proceed with its termination. The second challenge concerns the inter-Korean relations and the legal relevance of the Northern Limit Line as a maritime boundary. Although there is no foreseeable timeline for North and South Korea to address the matter, mainly as there are no on-going negotiations, this will ultimately be a key aspect of a future settlement. This article examines these two challenges and attempts to put forward some tentative conclusions regarding the available options for South Korea in both situations.