Jean-Jacques Rousseau on the Separation of Powers in Federal Polity and “Wills of Nation”

The problem of this article is built around the tension between the concept of organ sovereignty and democracy theory. First of all, this vision of sovereignty fails to describe the diverse forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. It speaks very sparingly of the people as a political actor. Moreover, the concept of organ sovereignty does not provide the theoretical resources to describe the intermediary bodies in the space between the state and the individual. The tradition of liberal democracy emphasises the importance of such bodies for maintaining popular control over state. Also, the idea of organ sovereignty, by reducing all power to a single legislature, ignores the demand for self-government coming from communities located within the same state and yet united by a certain collective identity. Today, democracy theorists are turning to the concepts of federalism in order to overcome the above-mentioned limitations set by the concept of organ sovereignty. So far, however, the concepts of federalism have not been very convincing in describing the various forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. Above all, they have failed to consistently justify the existence of multiple decision-making centres within a single polity. The article argues that the model of the federal polity proposed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his later work “Considerations on the mode of government in Poland” explains how within one polity multiple centres of collective decision-making can coexist. The model also provides an understanding of how citizen participation in multiple decision-making centres can be organised.

Literature Analysis of the Theory of Liberative Democracy

During the political liberalization of the reform era (1998 – present), various groups have complained about the evil practices of democratic politics. One of the shooting targets is that we have made the wrong choice, namely adopting a majoritarian or liberal democracy model. In the literature on democracy theory, one of the theories relevant to improving democratic practice is TDD (Theory of Deliberative Democracy). Although still using the principle of representation, TDD, in general, makes corrections or improvements to the procedures and substance of democracy that have been poorly practised in Indonesia today. This research is based on qualitative research using the descriptive-analytical method to provide a clear picture of the object of the problem. The conclusion of this study shows evidence that there is a model of democracy—both in substance and in procedures. They are different from the mechanism of representation initially derived from the theory of representative democracy.

Demokrati i kirke og menighet

This chapter discusses democracy in the context of the church means and its consequences for governance and leadership. The chapter looks at historical and current assessments of the understanding of church democracy and relates this discussion to current democracy theory. The chapter assesses justifications used for ecclesiastical democracy and considers responsibility, authority, governance and leadership. The concept of “democratic culture” and the potential for development of governing bodies and leadership to realize the (church’s) political intentions are also discussed.

Illusion in Equality of Opportunity in Education

This article focuses on the portion of the confusion that has been addressed by the different sociological and philosophical perspectives on equality of opportunity. For this study, I have used the document review approach where books, reports and research articles are reviewed for the purpose. Basically qualitative information is used and adopted for the thematic information analysis process. This article attempts to settle the illusion of equality of opportunity through binary thinking like the egalitarian that believes on how well people’s lives go not just the formally as a support by Marxist view as the protection should have on the basis of socioeconomic position rather than their personal needs. Basic equality and the social democracy theory are concerned on, no one should be discriminated against their sex or gender, race or ethnicity, and socioeconomic background or to be given equal value as a human worth. This article concludes that the illusion of equality of opportunity still remains on which one standard of measurement is best to achieve equal opportunity that one is unanswerable within single pint and events.

Shadow Economies and the Success of Economic Sanctions: Explaining Why Democratic Targets Are Disadvantaged

The sanctions literature has identified numerous mechanisms by which the adverse economic effects of sanctions impact their success rate. This body of work, however, has mostly focused on targets’ formal economies and has thus overlooked whether sanctions-induced changes in shadow (also known as informal) economic activity influence sanctions’ effectiveness. In this article, we develop two rival arguments that can potentially explain how shadow sector growth affects sanctions’ outcomes. Our grievance mitigation theory argues that increased shadow sector activity decreases the political pressure on leaders to capitulate to sanctions, while our disadvantaged democracy theory asserts that shadow economies create budgetary resource demands and deficits that disproportionately hamper democratic targets’ ability to resist sanctions. We assess the empirical merits of the two theories using time-series cross-national data for 1950–2005. We find robust evidence that the growth of shadow economies increases the likelihood of sanctions’ success in democratic targets while not significantly affecting the success rate of sanctions against non-democratic regimes. Our findings shed new light on the processes by which the economic disruptions and hardships created by sanctions translate into pressure on targeted regimes to concede to sanctions.

The Consistency of Political Party in Legislative Recruitment Candidates on Election 2019

The legislative recruitment candidates as the election 2019 are still having problems including the candidates of legislative and former of the legislative convicted felon. This tendency occurs in legislative recruitment candidates by political parties both at central and regional levels, nationwide there are 199 legislative candidates and 49 corrupt legislative candidates. Thus, it is necessary to evaluate and to measure the consistency of Political Parties in the process of recruitment the legislative candidates. This research used the concepts of Election and Democracy theory and Political Recruitment. The type of this research is a single case with a qualitative approach by observation, in-depth interview and documentation. Informant selection using purposive sampling technique as of obtained the informants who are suitable for the research criteria, namely commissioner of KPUD Riau, Bawaslu Riau and Elite Political Parties. Furthermore, data analysis through ethical and emic interpretation afterwards elaborate in a study of electoral and democratic governance as according to the discussion under this study. The result of this research showed that consistency of political parties in legislative recruitment candidates as the election 2019 is not selected yet and half-hearted in spirit establishment for anti-corruption. The bad intuitional of political parties in develop structure and political culture, thus showing that the caderization process is not professional-oriented parties in functional political recruitment.