Concept Negation in Kant

Kant distinguishes concept negation from copula negation. While the latter results in a negative judgement, i.e. a judgement denying a property of certain objects, the former gives rise to a negative concept, such as ‘immortal’. Since Kant’s remarks on concept negation are scattered and inconclusive, five interpretations are worked out and put to the test: logical negation, pseudo-negation, attribution of a zero degree, possibility-restricted negation and genus-restricted negation. Whereas the first four interpretations fail for a number of reasons, genus-restricted negation turns out to be tenable.

ISLAM IN THE WEST MEDIA DISTORTION (MEDIA IN CONSTRUCTING ISLAM AS A TERRORIST AND EXTREMIST RELIGION)

Various media reports that directly or indirectly have formed public opinion that accuses Muslims as a whole as accused of all forms of violence and terrorism on the face of the earth accompanied by extremist acts. Some western media are trying to brainwash the global community that where there are Muslims then there are terrorists and where there are terrorists then there is a threat accompanied by extremist acts. This article aims to see how western media are constructing the message that Islam is the religion of terrorists and extremists. The method used is the study of literature. The results show that the Media has a big impact on a person's view of something and using only symbols of Islam, they can be accused of being terrorists. The media constructs messages in the form of writings or images that link terror acts with Muslims. Muslims, in general, are suspected of being part of terrorists, even for small neighborhoods. So it is clearly seen that the media is trying to form a negative concept of Islam as a religion of terrorists and extremists.

The Influence Of Political Correctness On Stand Up Comedy

Over the past 20 years, stand-up comedy has been part of the public debate within a prevailing ideology of non-discrimination and inclusiveness – most notably in relation to political correctness. In this context, a trend seems to be emerging, in which a person’s taste in humour is defined by their political identity (Healy, 2016). In other words, a joke is not funny unless it meets a person’s taste conventions prescribed by a political paradigm (Healy, 2016). While the current humour and comedy research aided the analysis of this paper, they present dichotomous views that either allow or disallow joking about certain topics. This dichotomy suggests that the current humour and comedy research does not do justice to the complexity of the topic and that there is a need for further research. This major research paper examined stand-up comedy in an age of political correctness and argued that an ideology of political correctness, non-discrimination and inclusiveness influences the content of stand-up comedy performances and the audience’s responses to them. I analyzed YouTube videos containing race-based and rape jokes as well as jokes about gender stereotypes. Moreover, I examined YouTube users’ comments to the three different joke-tokens. Examining both the jokes and YouTube users’ comments gave me insight into how these joketokens are understood and perceived by YouTube users. None of the jokes can be considered politically correct. This implies that these jokes can ignite political debates, which was observable in YouTube comments about feminism, liberals, gender stereotypes, sexism, misogyny, racism, East Asian culture, rape myths and misandry. The YouTube commenters’ perception seems to be that political correctness has been attempting to influence the stand-up comedy environment with the aim to dictate the content of stand-up comedy performances. However, the YouTube users see political correctness as a “killer” of stand-up comedy and as a negative concept mainly promoted by liberals, the leftist society and feminists. The most dominant theme across all YouTube comments seemed to be the aversion to feminism. Regardless of the joke, feminism was the concept that commenters blamed for the existence of political correctness, the censorship of stand-up comedy performances, for a joke’s lack of funniness, and for the lack of awareness and importance of male rape in research and society. In stand-up comedy, it is an art and talent to convey the literal meaning of a joke so that the subtext is clearly derivable – and even then, the audience’s interpretation depends on experiences, emotions, values, beliefs and political ideologies.

The Influence Of Political Correctness On Stand Up Comedy

Over the past 20 years, stand-up comedy has been part of the public debate within a prevailing ideology of non-discrimination and inclusiveness – most notably in relation to political correctness. In this context, a trend seems to be emerging, in which a person’s taste in humour is defined by their political identity (Healy, 2016). In other words, a joke is not funny unless it meets a person’s taste conventions prescribed by a political paradigm (Healy, 2016). While the current humour and comedy research aided the analysis of this paper, they present dichotomous views that either allow or disallow joking about certain topics. This dichotomy suggests that the current humour and comedy research does not do justice to the complexity of the topic and that there is a need for further research. This major research paper examined stand-up comedy in an age of political correctness and argued that an ideology of political correctness, non-discrimination and inclusiveness influences the content of stand-up comedy performances and the audience’s responses to them. I analyzed YouTube videos containing race-based and rape jokes as well as jokes about gender stereotypes. Moreover, I examined YouTube users’ comments to the three different joke-tokens. Examining both the jokes and YouTube users’ comments gave me insight into how these joketokens are understood and perceived by YouTube users. None of the jokes can be considered politically correct. This implies that these jokes can ignite political debates, which was observable in YouTube comments about feminism, liberals, gender stereotypes, sexism, misogyny, racism, East Asian culture, rape myths and misandry. The YouTube commenters’ perception seems to be that political correctness has been attempting to influence the stand-up comedy environment with the aim to dictate the content of stand-up comedy performances. However, the YouTube users see political correctness as a “killer” of stand-up comedy and as a negative concept mainly promoted by liberals, the leftist society and feminists. The most dominant theme across all YouTube comments seemed to be the aversion to feminism. Regardless of the joke, feminism was the concept that commenters blamed for the existence of political correctness, the censorship of stand-up comedy performances, for a joke’s lack of funniness, and for the lack of awareness and importance of male rape in research and society. In stand-up comedy, it is an art and talent to convey the literal meaning of a joke so that the subtext is clearly derivable – and even then, the audience’s interpretation depends on experiences, emotions, values, beliefs and political ideologies.

The Concept of Isēgoria

This paper examines the concept of isēgoria. It looks especially at Herodotus, comparing his use of the term to that of other authors. The term does not primarily refer to ‘the equal right to speak in the assembly’. Rather, it is a ‘language ideology’ that characterizes the bearing of the free, full citizen. Isēgoria was a negative concept, defined by what it was not more than what it was: not flattery; not fearful; not indirect. Isēgoria could only exist in a community of complete equality, and was threatened when someone became too powerful or too important. It can best be translated as ‘the speech of equals before equals’.

The Construction of Negative Theology in Pesantren and Madrasa in Malang, East Java

This article discusses the metaphysical construction of divinity in the Indonesian Islamic education institutions, namely madrasa and pesantren. The research has been held in Malang, East Java. It focuses on constructing the negative concept of theology that grows and develops in these Islamic education institutions. In doing so, this study employs a qualitative approach coupled with Miles’ and Hubermann’s data analysis. The study finds that negative theological discourse is an arena of “prophetization” of the divine values ​​whose style of expression is apophatic. Therefore, it constructs its theological knowledge based on the logic of negation and paradox. It also “rejects” the knowledge construction for the same reason. This view affects the system of Islamic education and the framework of its educational objectives to be more oriented to the aspects of humanity and divinity or the profane and transcendental dimension. In other words, negative theology has implications for the axiology of Islamic education.

THE VALUE OF ABANDONMENT: THE GIACOMINI PARK IN ITALY

​An abandoned disposal site for Municipal Solid Waste (Environmental Facility for Separate Collection - EFSC) located in a town of approx.10.000 inhabitants provided an opportunity for requalification of an open space and regeneration of a neglected woodland with restricted use, in accordance with EEC Regulations 2052/88. Both these elements were deemed strategic for different reasons. A juxtaposition of “natural”/artificial both requiring intervention. Two critical elements, two issues subject to ongoing debate by public administrations striving to identify an equilibrium in an attempt to proactively support this type of area. An open space, of value in its own right due to uninterrupted availability, multifunctional and readily organizable but burdened by a need for control and management, and the vegetation and its importance as an environmental vector, a symbol of strategic needs encumbered by maintenance and governance issues. An obsolete area conveys a double value: it both contains and constitutes the neglected object, two separate conditions featuring an active subject in the first case and in the second the object of the action itself. The “non-use” may be referred either to a container and/or to the context of space, terrain vagues or volume. The term “to abandon” is linked to a negative concept corresponding to synonyms such as to give up or desist from doing something, to leave definitively  forever implying a surrendering of control and responsibility, terms and concepts indicating varying degrees of awareness, time frames and modalities. Each is associated with an indisputable innate and deep-rooted hostility towards an interpretative vision according to which mankind is the ordinator architect of all things mundane, a maintenance technician and supervisor aware of all that goes on before his eyes. On losing control (by choice or necessity) and thus leaving something behind, this position however assumes a lesser role, being somehow ill-suited to cover an active role in a routine setting.

REPUBLICANISM IN MODERN POLITICAL THEORY

The article discusses the main theoretical provisions of the republican tradition in modern political theory. The main attention is focused on the works of F. Pettit and Q. Skinner. The position of the republican tradition in the political theory of the second half of the twentieth century is presented and the popularity of this tradition is argued today, the theoretical background of the actualization of republican theory is highlighted. It is shown how the republican theory was updated by the Cambridge School of the History of Political Thought. The features of the republican theory, which consists of two points, are considered: the openness of the republican project to alternative political theories (projects), representatives of the republican theory focus not on political theory, but on the history of political thought, that is, they do not develop their own theoretical project, but actualize in political theory and adapt the republican tradition to modern political practices. The origins of the republican tradition in the history of Western political thought are traced, special attention is focused on the development of republican ideas during the civil war in England (1642-1651) and the political/ideological confrontation between parliamentarians and royalists, focuses on the concepts of «political body» and «king-in-parliament». The criticism of the republican understanding of liberty by T. Hobbes and the consequences of this criticism for the political theory of the Modern era is traced. It is shown how the republican understanding of freedom is supplanted by the negative concept of freedom in modern times, why the liberal theory begins to be based on the negative concept of freedom. The republican understanding of freedom as non-domonation and the relationship between the concepts of positive liberty, negative liberty and liberty as non-domination are considered. Criticism of the republican tradition of a liberal interpretation of liberty is presented. The significance of the theoretical developments of the republican tradition for modern political theory is highlighted and the fundamental difference between the republican approach and the liberal one is shown.

Don Alejandro’s fantasy: radical democracy and the negative concept of representation

Starting from a short story by Borges, this chapter discusses the role that representation may play in a project of radical democracy, defined as a ‘collective will’ aiming at expanding the democratic horizon of freedom, equality and solidarity, as established in the democratic revolution. It is radical not in the sense of referring, with these terms, to a particular ground or foundation of democracy, but to the ultimate absence of such ground. This implies that we have to see radical democracy as an emancipatory project of expanding the democratic idea of representation – as a relation of mediacy and self-alienation – to more and more social fields. The chapter takes its lead from Claude Lefort, Ernesto Laclau and Frank Ankersmit, to claim that representation should be understood as, precisely, a relation of non-identity between represented and representative, as only then it attests to the ultimately ungroundable nature of the democratic regime. These points are exemplified by analyses of the case of Bosnia, where the democratic, non-identitarian form of representation was replaced by an identitarian one, and that of the anti-representational ideology of the assembly movement of 2011, which fell into the self-delusionary trap of a fantasy of presence and immediacy.