scholarly journals The Slovak Question in Foreign Policy Vision of the Second Rzeczpospolita Authorities (1938 – March 1939)

2021 ◽  
pp. 284-303
Author(s):  
Ivan Borovets ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
State Association ◽  
Positive Assessment ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
Building Plans ◽  
Policy Vision

The Polish authorities had a negative attitude towards the central government of the Czechoslovak Republic at that time. Therefore, the Polish reprezentatives were in active contact with the opposition Glinka Slovak People’s Party. They had a number of common ideological values such as Slavic reciprocity, Catholicism, Anti-Bolshevism, and positive assessment of authoritarianism. The Polish politics assured that Warsaw supports state-building plans of the Slovak leaders and solemnly welcomed their delegation to Poland in May 1938. Polish-Slovak relations were marked by contradictions during and shortly after the Munich crisis. The Slovaks suggested state association and submitted a declaration on the Polish-Slovak union. But they did not receive an answer, so they agreed with the Prague government about granting Slovakia autonomy. The Polish authorities expected more pronounced separatism from the Slovaks. Warsaw made territorial claims for Slovak lands in the area of Spis and Orava because Poles wanted to push indecisive oppositionists. The ultimate form of the demands and the forceful nature of Polish actions demonstrated the real content of Warsaw’s policy towards Slovakia. These events resulted to the improvement of Czech-Slovak relations within the framework of Post Munich Czechoslovakia and also led to the appeal of Slovak politicians to Germany. Both sides tried to improve the atmosphere of bilateral relations during the winter of 1938-1939. Meetings of delegations were organized for discuss different ways to intensify positive cooperation. An influence of Nazi Germany was increasing in the region at that time. So, the realization of the danger, posed by Germans, was the main factor to Polish-Slovak rapprochement. In early March, Berlin organized a campaign to put pressure on Slovak politicians and persuaded them to secession. They tried in vain to put forward a Polish counterweight. The declaration of independence of Slovakia according to the German scenario marked the strategic failure of Polish foreign policy, because the southern border of the state became a zone of potential danger

Examining the “Referendum Theory” in Taiwan’s Local Elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962096676
Author(s):  
Eric Chen-hua Yu ◽  
Kah-yew Lim
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Positive Assessment ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Open Seat

This paper analyzes the extent to which the performances of local and national governments can shape local election outcomes. Specifically, we use various waves of survey data from Taiwan’s Elections and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to explore whether a person’s assessments of local and central government performances affect his/her vote for the incumbent party candidate. Our empirical findings partially verify the so-called “referendum theory” and can be summarized as follows: First, voters who hold a positive assessment of the performance of local government are more likely to vote for an incumbent who seeks reelection, but this is not necessarily the case for an incumbent party candidate in an open-seat contest. Second, Taiwan’s local elections cannot be regarded as referenda on the central government because the central government approval rating does not consistently affect vote choices across different types/levels of local elections.

scholarly journals Media and Foreign Policy on Pak-Afghan Relations (1997-2005): The Role of US and Pakistani Press

2020 ◽  
Vol Volume 4 (Issue 2) ◽  
pp. 454-477
Author(s):  
Ashraf Iqbal ◽  
Dr. Tanveer Hussain ◽  
Javed
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Washington Post ◽  
War On Terrorism ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Us ◽  
Before And After

The main purpose of the present research is to investigate Pak-Afghan relations in the editorials of US newspapers, The Washington Post & The New York Times and Pakistani newspapers Dawn & The News related to the following issues during the period 1997-2005; A) US as a factor in Pak-Afghan relation, B) Coverage of Islam/Muslims regarding war on terrorism, C) Pakistan’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations, and D) US’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations. The time period to be examined in this proposed study spans over eight years regarding the editorial coverage of Pak-Afghan relations in the US and Pakistani leading English Press. Triangulation method based on qualitative and quantitative method was used to conduct the present research. The results show that the editorial contents of USA and Pakistani newspapers were not different regarding Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11. The incident of 9/11 changed the American foreign policy towards developing and least developing nations especially Muslims states like Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran etc. Pakistani press highlighted the issues regarding the Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11 as a favorable and conducive, related to Muslim/Islam regarding war on terrorism. The study suggested that instead of the focus on military resolution of the different problems, rather social bilateral negations should be prioritized which would be long lasting and full of mutual respects and honor.

scholarly journals The Struggle for Leadership of the Qatari-Turkish Alliance in Somalia

2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
T. R. Khayrullin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Regional Leadership ◽  
Autonomous Regions ◽  
The Arab Spring

The article examines the struggle of the Qatari- Turkish alliance for regional leadership in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The analysis revealed that the foreign policy activity of Turkey and Qatar in Somalia began during the events of the Arab Spring. Ankara and Doha used diplomatic, military and fi nancial instruments to strengthen their infl uence in the country. Moreover, Qatari money played an important role in promoting pro-qatari candidates to power during the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections. However, the eff orts of the Turkish- Qatari alliance to strengthen its position in Somalia have clashed with the interests of the Saudi- Emirati bloc seeking regional dominance. On the other hand, the inability to close the main cooperation with the central government in Somalia forced the UAE to support such autonomous regions as Somaliland, thereby intensifying the destabilization processes in the country.

Jacksonian Consular Reform and the Forging of America’s First Global Bureaucracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-428
Author(s):  
SIMEON ANDONOV SIMEONOV
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South America ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
National Character ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Professional Bureaucracy

AbstractAs revolutions swept across Central and South America in the 1820s and 1830s, Andrew Jackson’s administration undertook a landmark reform that transformed the US foreign policy apparatus into the nation’s first global bureaucracy. With the introduction of Edward Livingston’s 1833 consular reform bill to Congress, the nation embarked on a long path toward the modernization of its consular service in line with the powers of Europe and the new American republics. Despite the popularity of Livingston’s plan to turn a dated US consular service comprised of mercantile elites into a salaried professional bureaucracy, the Jacksonian consular reform dragged on for more than two decades before the passing of a consular bill in 1856. Contrary to Weberian models positing a straightforward path toward bureaucratization, the trajectory of Jacksonian consular reform demonstrates the power of mercantile elites to resist central government regulation just as much as it highlights how petty partisans—the protégé consuls appointed via the Jacksonian “spoils system”—powerfully shaped government policy to achieve personal advantages. In the constant tug-of-war between merchant-consuls and Jacksonian protégés, both groups mobilized competing visions of the “national character” in their correspondence with the Department of State and in the national press. Ultimately, the Jacksonian reform vision of an egalitarian and loyal consular officialdom prevailed over the old mercantile model of consulship as a promoter of national prestige and commercial expertise, but only after protégé consuls successfully exploited merchant-consuls’ perceived inability to compete with the salaried European officials across the sister-republics of the southwestern hemisphere.

India's Subnational Governments Foray into the International Arena

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
PURNENDRA JAIN ◽  
TRIDIVESH SINGH MAINI
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Select Group ◽  
External Relations ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
Global Affairs ◽  
Subnational Governments

AbstractSubnational diplomacy has come to life in India. Although still nowhere near in the same league as their counterparts in North America, Europe, parts of Asia, and even other developing countries, subnational governments (SNGs) in India are increasingly engaged abroad through involvement in regional and global affairs, questioning the central government on international matters, seeking foreign direct investment, organizing trade fairs and investment summits, leading economic missions, and hosting visiting dignitaries to showcase their jurisdiction's economic potential. These new and emerging actors on India's foreign affairs landscape are pluralizing and decentralizing India's foreign policy, albeit in a limited way and on small scale, as all states and territories are not as yet actively involved in foreign affairs. The paper argues that management of India's external relations is no longer informed or conducted simply by a select group of diplomats, high-ranking political leaders, and other specialist foreign policy advisers in New Delhi. Today subnational actors are becoming an essential component in India's foreign affairs. They are joining the huge traffic of SNGs from countries around the world that are linking with counterparts and others across national borders to serve the interests of local constituencies. It is a trend that is changing not only diplomatic roles, but also the nature of economic and political relationships among government actors worldwide.

scholarly journals Uzbek Perspectives on Eurasia

2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ambassador Abdusamat A. Khaydarov ◽  
Ambassador Surat M. Mirkasymov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Asian Region ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Insight Into

This article is a brief overview of the main trends in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan under the new leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The sections on bilateral relations and interaction of Uzbekistan with international organisations give an important insight into the dynamics of a strategically important Central Asian region and Eurasia as a whole. The article also reflects Uzbekistan’s perception of Eurasia as a region that is experiencing several geopolitical shifts.

Dutch ties with Turkey and Russia may not recover soon

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Energy Resource ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Bilateral Relations

Significance This comes after the formal withdrawal of the Dutch ambassador to Turkey in early February and the resignation of Foreign Minister Halbe Zijlstra on February 13 marked new lows in the Netherlands’ relations with Ankara and Moscow, respectively. Impacts Poor bilateral relations could hit Dutch tourism to Turkey. Tension with Russia combined with shrinking domestic reserves may encourage the Dutch to move away from gas as the main energy resource. The Netherlands is likely to reject any further talks about Turkey’s EU accession for the foreseeable future. The Netherland’s foreign policy focus on human rights, particularly of minority groups, could further sour relations with Turkey and Russia.

Mongolia's new president may push nationalistic policy

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Content Type ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Public

Subject The recent presidential election in Mongolia. Significance With the victory of Khaltmaa Battulga in the presidential election on July 7, the Democratic Party (DP) has held onto the presidency. The legislature and cabinet remain in the hands of the rival Mongolian People’s Party (MPP). The election of an MPP president would have signalled continuity and stability; a Battulga win introduces uncertainty. Impacts Battulga may push to scale back austerity and provide the public with more immediate benefits from the resources sector. Despite the anti-Chinese sentiment evident during Battulga's election campaign, he is more likely to be pragmatic than confrontational. Battulga may use the presidency's foreign policy powers to reach out to Russia.

Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-209
Author(s):  
Victor D. Cha
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Clinton Administration ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Similar Vein ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Policy Vision

The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.

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