What do I gain from joining crowds? Does self-expansion help to explain the relationship between identity fusion, group efficacy and collective action?

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. O152-O167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Besta ◽  
Michał Jaśkiewicz ◽  
Natasza Kosakowska-Berezecka ◽  
Rafał Lawendowski ◽  
Anna Maria Zawadzka
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 5935
Author(s):  
Beatriz Carmona-Moya ◽  
Antonia Calvo-Salguero ◽  
María-del-Carmen Aguilar-Luzón

The deterioration and destruction of the environment is becoming more and more considerable and greater efforts are needed to stop it. To accomplish this feat, all members of society must identify with solving environmental problems, environmental collective action being one of the most relevant means of doing so. From this perspective, the analysis of the psychosocial factors that lead to participation in environmental collective action emerges as a priority objective in the research agenda. Thus, the aim of this study is to examine the role of “environmental identity”, as conceptualized by Clayton, as a central axis for explaining environmental collective action. The inclusion of the latter in the theoretical framework of the SIMCA (social identity model of collective action) model gives rise to the model that we have called EIMECA (environmental identity model of environmental collective action). Two studies were conducted (344 and 720 participants, respectively), and structural equation modeling was used. The results reveal that environmental identity and a variety of negative emotional affects, as well as group efficacy, accompanied by hope for a simultaneous additive effect, are critical when it comes to predicting environmental collective action.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095679762097056
Author(s):  
Morgana Lizzio-Wilson ◽  
Emma F. Thomas ◽  
Winnifred R. Louis ◽  
Brittany Wilcockson ◽  
Catherine E. Amiot ◽  
...  

Extensive research has identified factors influencing collective-action participation. However, less is known about how collective-action outcomes (i.e., success and failure) shape engagement in social movements over time. Using data collected before and after the 2017 marriage-equality debate in Australia, we conducted a latent profile analysis that indicated that success unified supporters of change ( n = 420), whereas failure created subgroups among opponents ( n = 419), reflecting four divergent responses: disengagement (resigned acceptors), moderate disengagement and continued investment (moderates), and renewed commitment to the cause using similar strategies (stay-the-course opponents) or new strategies (innovators). Resigned acceptors were least inclined to act following failure, whereas innovators were generally more likely to engage in conventional action and justify using radical action relative to the other profiles. These divergent reactions were predicted by differing baseline levels of social identification, group efficacy, and anger. Collective-action outcomes dynamically shape participation in social movements; this is an important direction for future research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 893-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hema Preya Selvanathan ◽  
Pirathat Techakesari ◽  
Linda R. Tropp ◽  
Fiona Kate Barlow

Advantaged group members have an important role to play in creating social change, and intergroup contact has tremendous implications in shaping intergroup relations. However, little research has examined how intergroup contact predicts advantaged group members’ inclinations toward collective action to support the interests of disadvantaged groups. The present research investigates how contact with Black Americans shapes White Americans’ willingness to engage in collective action for racial justice and support for the Black Lives Matter movement. Three studies of White Americans (total N = 821) consistently reveal that positive contact with Black Americans predicts greater support for collective action through a sequential process of fostering greater feelings of empathy for Black Americans and anger over injustice. These findings hold even when taking into account other relevant psychological factors (i.e., White guilt and identification, negative contact, group efficacy, and moral convictions). The present research contributes to our understanding of how advantaged group members come to engage in social change efforts.


Author(s):  
Beatriz Carmona-Moya ◽  
Antonia Calvo-Salguero ◽  
M.Carmen Aguilar-Luzón

The deterioration and destruction of the environment is becoming more and more considerable and greater efforts are needed to stop it. To accomplish this feat, all members of society must identify with environmental problems, with collective environmental action being one of the most relevant means of doing so. From this perspective, the analysis of the psychosocial factors that lead to participation in environmental collective action emerges as a priority objective in the research agenda. Thus, the aim of this study is to examine the role of "environmental identity" as conceptualized by Clayton, as a central axis for explaining environmental collective action. The inclusion of the latter in the theoretical framework of the SIMCA model gives rise to the model that we have called EIMECA. Two studies were conducted, and the results reveal that environmental identity, a variety of negative affects, as well as group efficacy accompanied by hope for a simultaneous additive effect, are critical when it comes to predicting environmental collective action.


Maska ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (201-202) ◽  
pp. 102-121
Author(s):  
Urška Savič

This article focuses on the Rog factory in Ljubljana from the perspective of an active member of the Preserve the Rog Factory Group in 2016. It is therefore based on an understanding that has been formed on the basis of collective action, endless group discussions and first-hand experiences of cornucopia. More than the internal dynamics of the community, it is mainly focused on the relationship of the exterior to the building and the Rog community, as well as the context of the unwillingness of the municipal authorities to deal with the organic growth of the city. It explicitly refers to and recalls texts that have already been written, which toot the same horn.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi-Tai Seih ◽  
Vi Thanh Tra ◽  
Marketa Lepicovsky ◽  
Yi-Ying Chang

The coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has caused hundreds of millions of cases and millions of deaths, resulting in the development of COVID-19 phobia. To prevent getting COVID-19, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in many countries encourage people to protect themselves via several strategies, such as wearing face masks or using sanitizers when washing hands. However, at times, such supplies for preventing COVID-19 are limited. In this study, we examine the relationship between COVID-19 phobia and panic buying behavior from an economic perspective and test if identity fusion plays a buffering role for this phenomenon. Data was collected from September 4th to November 1st in 2020 across three countries (the United States, Germany, and Taiwan). A self-report measure of panic buying behavior was developed and culturally cross-validated. Moderation analyses were conducted focusing on the study objectives. Results show that the economic factor in COVID-19 phobia predicts panic buying behavior, and this effect is buffered by identity fusion. It is worthy to note that this buffering effect emerged only in the Taiwanese sample, not in the American or German samples. Implications of identity fusion theory in human behavior are discussed.


Tempo Social ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-156
Author(s):  
Baptiste Giraud

This article reviews how French trade union are coping with the neo-liberal policies since the early 1980s. It shows their divergent reactions, and how these liberal reforms are implemented in a context of transformation of trade union action: the use of strikes is more difficult at the same time as the relationship between trade unions and collective bargaining is transformed in a logic of depoliticizing their strategies of action. These developments did not prevent a resurgence of strikes in the 2000s. It reveals the limits of the trade unions’ power of political influence, that implies the use of collective action. However, strikes have declined further in recent years, revealing the weakening of trade union mobilisation power.


Author(s):  
Paolo Gerbaudo

Digital communication technologies are modifying how social movements communicate internally and externally and the way participants are organized and mobilized. This transformation calls for a rethinking of how we conceive of and analyze them. Scholars cannot be content with studying the digital and the physical or the online and the offline separately, but must explore the imbrication between these aspects by studying how the elements of social movements combine in a political “ensemble,” an ecosystem, or an action texture, defining the possibilities and limits of collective action. This chapter proposes a qualitative methodology combining analysis of digital media with observations of events and interviews with participants to develop a holistic account of collective action. This methodology is best positioned to capture the changing nature and meaning of protest action in a digital era, producing a “thick account” of the relationship between digital politics and everyday life.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 485-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graig R. Klein ◽  
Patrick M. Regan

AbstractThe links between protests and state responses have taken on increased visibility in light of the Arab Spring movements. But we still have unanswered questions about the relationship between protest behaviors and responses by the state. We frame this in terms of concession and disruption costs. Costs are typically defined as government behaviors that impede dissidents’ capacity for collective action. We change this causal arrow and hypothesize how dissidents can generate costs that structure the government's response to a protest. By disaggregating costs along dimensions of concession and disruption we extend our understanding of protest behaviors and the conditions under which they are more (or less) effective. Utilizing a new cross-national protest-event data set, we test our theoretical expectations against protests from 1990 to 2014 and find that when protesters generate high concession costs, the state responds in a coercive manner. Conversely, high disruption costs encourage the state to accommodate demands. Our research provides substantial insights and inferences about the dynamics of government response to protest.


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