From US Colony to Independent Country: The Construction of a State

Author(s):  
Yves Boquet
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Dita Birahayu

<p>Based on Declaration of Djuanda, it declared that Indonesia maritime was defined as the entity of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), and thus, Indonesia is known as an archipelagic country with a very broad maritime territory directly adjacent to 10 neighboring countries. However, it poses a lot of potential maritime boundary conflict. Supported by this current advanced science, both artificial islands and coastal reclamation were being carried out. Singapore is one having a reclamation named Jurong Island, and it is very close to the territory of NKRI. As an independent country, Indonesia is attempting to protect its territory by having a diplomatic negotiation with Singapore in order to decide the legal certainty over their maritime borders, especially in east area. In addition, they need to define the legal status of that reclaimed island. Based on UNCLOS 1982 article 11 and 80, the legal status of the reclaimed island may not threaten the sovereignty of NKRI as its presence does not change the maritime territory of a country, and it has been agreed in the previous agreement.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-115
Author(s):  
Anna Sharova

Anna Sharova reviews two recent books separately published by two English language authors – P. Martell and J. Young. The books are very different in style and mood. While P. Martell presents an excellent example of British journalist prose in the style of his elder compatriots Somerset Maugham and Graham Greene, who did their reporting and writing from exotic countries during fateful periods of history, J. Young offers a more academic, though no less ‘on the spot’ analysis of the situation in the youngest independent country of Africa. J. Young’s considers two possible approaches to conflict resolution as possible outcomes: non-intervention cum continuation of the war, or the introduction of international governance. P. Martell comes up with a disappointing prediction about the future of South Sudan. The war will go on, the famine will return, and the threat of genocide will not disappear. People will continue to flee the country, and refugee camps will grow. New warring groups will appear, new murders will be committed. Neighbouring states will not stop competing for influence and resources. New peacekeepers will arrive. Warlords will be accused of crimes, but, as before, they will escape punishment, while some will be promoted.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-195
Author(s):  
Oliver Friggieri

The Semitic character of Malta’s language and the Latinity of its culture have both contributed towards the complex formation of a unique country marked by dualities of language and identity. This article seeks to outline the development of Maltese as a medium through which Malta could best express itself and construct its own literature, as Maltese intellectuals in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries sought to create an alternative to the older Italian and more recent British dominance. The establishment of Maltese as the national language and of a thriving Maltese literature reflects a move away from the use of Maltese Italian as a minor literature to the creation of an “ultraminor” Maltese for an independent country.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Rika Inggit Asmawati

This research discusses about the social economic history of Yogyakarta during 1950s. The main problem is to analyze how the newly independent country of Indonesia dealt with unemployment after the revolutionary period. This research employs the historical method using primary and secondary sources, such as archives, newspapers, magazines, interviews, and reviews of relevant references. There are four conclusions in this research. First, although the period was called as the period of creating jobs, the unemployment number in early 1950s was increasing. Second, this unemployment problem was not primarily caused by the economic condition but also by demographic problems and the legacies from the Revolution Era. Third, people who were categorized as unemployed were not only labors, but also veterans. Fourth, for the government, solving this unemployment problem was the effort to create economic improvement for its society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-113
Author(s):  
Danan Tricahyono

Abstrak: Indonesia sebagai negara merdeka memiliki cita-cita berdikari dalam berbagai bidang kehidupan. Salah satunya di bidang ekonomi sebagai pilar pembangunan. Cara yang ditempuh untuk menata kehidupan ekonomi dilakukan dengan penuh liku-liku. Langkah-langkah yang ditempuh diantaranya dengan menasionalisasi berbagai bangunan umum vital milik asing dengan pembayaran ganti rugi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalis jalan yang ditempuh oleh pemerintah guna melakukan nasionalisasi, pelaksanaan nasionalisasi dalam berbagai sektor perusahaan milik Belanda, dan pengaruh nasionalisasi perusahaan terhadap berbagai bidang kehidupan seperti ekonomi, politik, dan sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari lima langkah: heuristik (pengumpulan sumber), kritik (verifikasi sumber), interpretasi (penafsiran), dan historiografi (penulisan sejarah). Hasil penelitian menunjukan jika cikal bakal nasionalisasi perusahaan-perusahaan dimulai sejak masa pergerakan nasional yang mengarah pada konsep Indonesianisasi, proses pelaksanaan nasionaliasi mengacu pada Undang-Undang Nomor 86 Tahun 1958 Tentang Nasionalisasi Perusahaan-Perusahaan Milik Belanda. Mengenai teknis pelaksanaan nasionalisasi perusahaan Belanda diatur pada Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 3 Tahun 1959 tentang pembentukan Badan Nasionalisasi Perusahaan Belanda. Perusahaan yang dinasionalisasi bergerak dalam bidang pertanian dan perkebunan, perdagangan, industri dan tambang, perbankan, listrik dan gas, transportasi, dan konstruksi. Pengaruh dari nasionaliasi berupa keluarnya modal, goyahnya neraca keuangan, dan administrasi perusahaan. Perusahaan yang dinasionaliasi dalam perjalannya berubah menjadi BUMN.Kata kunci: nasionalisasi, perusahaan, BelandaAbstract: Indonesia as an independent country has aspirations to be independent in various fields of life. One of them is in the economic sector as a pillar of development. The method taken to organize economic life was carried out in a twisted manner. The steps taken include nationalizing various vital public buildings owned by foreigners with compensation payments. This study aims to analyze the path taken by the government to nationalize, the implementation of nationalization in various sectors of Dutch-owned companies, and the effects of company nationalization on various fields of life such as the economy, politics, and society. This research uses the historical method which consists of five steps: heuristics (source collection), criticism (source verification), interpretation (interpretation), and historiography (historical writing). The results showed that if the nationalization of companies started from the time of the national movement that led to the concept of Indonesianization, the process of implementing nationalization referred to Law Number 86 of 1958 concerning the Nationalization of Dutch Owned Companies. Regarding the technical implementation of the nationalization of Dutch companies, it is regulated in Government Regulation Number 3 of 1959 concerning the formation of the Dutch Company Nationalization Agency. The nationalized companies are engaged in agriculture and plantation, trade, industry and mining, banking, electricity and gas, transportation, and construction. The effects of nationalization are in the form of capital outflows, unstable balance sheets, and company administration. Companies that are nationalized on the way turn into BUMN.Keywords: nationalization, company, Netherlands


Sowiniec ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (46) ◽  
pp. 53-67
Author(s):  
Marcin Kluzik

The Liberal Democratic party “Niepodległość”/“Independence” was a radically anti-communist party and its aim was to overthrow the communist regime and make Poland an independent country, for the party had no doubt that other elements of its agenda could be realised only after Poland achieved independence. Its uncompromising anti-communist stance made the party reject the agreements made at the Round Table. The LDPN advocated political and economic liberalism, combining it with an attachment to a conservative and Christian canon of values.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Riveros ◽  
Odette Maciel ◽  
Oliver Peña-Habib ◽  
Andreia Barcellos

This Independent Country Program Review (ICPR) analyzes the IDB Group's country strategy (CS) and country program with Suriname during the 2016-2020 period. ICPRs assess the relevance of the Bank's CS and provide aggregate information on the program alignment and execution. If the available information allows it, ICPRs also report on progress toward achieving the objectives that the IDB Group established by the CS. This review by the Office of Evaluation and Oversight (OVE) is intended to provide the Boards of Executive Directors of the IDB and IDB Invest with useful information to analyze the country strategies submitted for their consideration.


Author(s):  
Natalia Zherlitsina

The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country&apos;s sovereignty.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-116
Author(s):  
Putti Ananda Hiswi

After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other


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