scholarly journals Defending Weapons Inspections from the Effects of Disinformation

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 106-110
Author(s):  
Mallory Stewart

The intentional spread of disinformation is not a new challenge for the scientific world. We have seen it perpetuate the idea of a flat earth, convince communities that vaccines are more dangerous than helpful, and even suggest a connection between the “5G” communication infrastructure and COVID-19. Nor is disinformation a new phenomenon in the weapons inspection arena. Weapons inspectors themselves are often forced to sift through alternative narratives of events and inconsistent reporting, and they regularly see their credibility and conclusions questioned in the face of government politics or public biases. But certain recent disinformation campaigns have become so overwhelmingly comprehensive and effective that they constitute a new kind of threat. By preventing accountability for clear violations of international law, these campaigns have created a challenge to the survival of arms control treaties themselves. If weapons inspectors cannot regain the trust of the international community in the face of this challenge, it will be increasingly difficult to ensure compliance with arms control and disarmament treaties going forward. In this essay, I will briefly discuss one of the most comprehensive disinformation efforts of the past decade: the disinformation campaign used to prevent accountability for Syria's repeated use of chemical weapons. After this discussion, I will propose one possible approach to help protect the credibility of disarmament experts and weapons inspectors in the face of pervasive disinformation. This approach will require a concerted effort to connect and support compliance experts and to understand and explain their expertise across cultural, political, national, economic, and religious divides.

2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nico Krisch

The consensual structure of the international legal order, with its strong emphasis on the sovereign equality of states, has always been somewhat precarious. In different waves over the centuries, it has been attacked for its incongruence with the realities of inequality in international politics, for its tension with ideals of democracy and human rights, and for standing in the way of more effective problem solving in the international community. While surprisingly resilient in the face of such challenges, the consensual structure has seen renewed attacks in recent years. In the 1990s, those attacks were mainly “moral” in character. They were related to the liberal turn in international law, and some of them, under the banner of human rights, aimed at weakening principles of nonintervention and immunity. Others, starting from the idea of an emerging “international community,” questioned the prevailing contractual models of international law and emphasized the rise of norms and processes reflecting community values rather than individual state interests. Since the beginning of the new millennium, the focus has shifted, and attacks are more often framed in terms of effectiveness or global public goods. Classical international law is regarded as increasingly incapable of providing much-needed solutions for the challenges of a globalized world; as countries become ever more interdependent and vulnerable to global challenges, an order that safeguards states’ freedoms at the cost of common policies is often seen as anachronistic. According to this view, what is needed—and what we are likely to see—is a turn to nonconsensual lawmaking mechanisms, especially through powerful international institutions with majoritarian voting rules.


2017 ◽  
Vol 99 (906) ◽  
pp. 959-993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasmin Naqvi

AbstractThe use of chemical weapons in the armed conflict in Syria has attracted universal and widespread condemnation and has led to unified responses by various international bodies. This article examines the international community's responses to chemical weapons use in Syria from the perspective of international law. It also analyzes the potential options for accountability that are available for chemical weapons-related crimes. The intention is ultimately to make the case that the special status the international community has ascribed to chemical weapons crimes could be harnessed to create an accountability mechanism, such as an ad hoc tribunal, that could help pave the complex road towards a negotiated peace.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 1067-1094 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Bosdriesz ◽  
Sander Wirken

On 10 May 2013, a Guatemalan trial court rendered a historic judgment, convicting former President José Efraín Ríos Montt to an 80-year prison sentence for genocide and war crimes. On 20 May 2013, in a 3–2 majority decision, Guatemala’s Constitutional Court annulled the trial judgment on procedural grounds. The Constitutional Court’s annulment decision, decried by international observers as a defeat of justice, seems to reaffirm the impossibility of successful domestic prosecution of powerful leaders for international crimes and reinforce the need for international prosecutions. However, such a conclusion does not do justice to the profound meaning the genocide trial against Ríos Montt has had for Guatemalan society. This article aims to give a more complete picture. It discusses how the trial could come about, in spite of the apparent inability and unwillingness of the Guatemalan state to prosecute the serious crimes of the civil war era. It looks at the role that the international community and international law played in the trial. Finally, it assesses the trial’s significance, in the face of the Constitutional Court’s annulment decision, for both Guatemalan society and the international community.


1990 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond A. Zilinskas

This article analyses the accomplishments and shortcomings of the 1972 Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and recent attempts to strengthen it. It examines why developing countries show little interest in these efforts. Neither do they seem intent on acquiring this weapons system. Might this situation change? To find out, the article examines past thrid world conflicts, focusing especially on those where chemical weapons have seen use. The lessons from the past are applied to assess the possibility of a country acquiring, then employing biological weapons in future conflicts as an adjunct to, or instead of, chemical arms. Finally, suggestions are made as to possible steps that the international community can take to lessen the threat of biological warfare generally and to involve third world countries in the on-going attempts to strengthen the Convention.


Author(s):  
Congyan Cai

This chapter, from four perspectives of community, power, adjudication, and spirit, reviews the transformation of international law during the past several decades and the relevance of international law on the rise of China, thereby examining the legal and political context where China rises and showing the fundamental difference between the rise of China and the rise of great powers in the history. In light of new political and legal circumstances, international law can play a larger role in the rise of China than that to great powers in history, which may be either expected or unexpected both for China itself and international community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Rajesh Purohit ◽  
Kiran Purohit

The world peace and world unity are the most embryonic need of the modern society in order to protect our habitat earth. Lots of efforts have been made to ensure the world peace and unity in the past and several international organizations have been made for the purpose. Several meetings of the representatives of different nations have also been organized time to time in the past history as well as in the present time. However still we are very far away from a united world or united earth with peace and prosperity and the risk of war that may be minor aggression between neighboring countries (cold war) or a big war like the world war with use of nuclear/chemical weapons still and always hang over the mankind. Now with technological advancement of the world and development of nuclear and chemical weapons and newly emerging nano engineered and biological weapons which if used for small aggression between countries will greatly pollute the atmosphere on earth and can ruin the whole world and the modern civilization. Due to the development of  these drastic weapons which are highly dangerous to the society and the environment it has become big threat to the life on earth. Therefore, now it has become utmost important to find a solution to counterbalance this problem and hence we need to make potential and innovative efforts for the complete elimination of the war between countries and search for a peaceful solution to resolve the disputes among countries by establishing a powerful international law and order. A critical review of the present and past efforts made by various researchers, peace organizations and societies has been presented here. The key suggestions by various researchers include moving from divided world to unified world, development of world culture system, development of peace-based curriculum, religious harmony, interreligious cooperation, global citizenship etc. It has been concluded that the inner willingness among national and religious leaders of the various countries, religious & cultural organizations and all the human being need to be developed that will surely realize the world peace and world unity. The concept of unified world and powerful international law and order to resolve all the political, religious and other kind of issues and aggressions between countries and religions has to be established.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1182-1198
Author(s):  
I.V. Vyakina

Subject. This article deals with the issues related to the national economic security of the State in today's conditions. Objectives. The article aims to develop a set of special measures for additional business support to reduce the impact of restrictions imposed against the background of quarantine and the pandemic spread, and which would help prevent collapse of business entities. Methods. For the study, I used the methods of theoretical, systems, logical, and comparative analyses, and tabular and graphical visualization techniques. Results. The article proposes possible measures to support business aimed at reducing the costs of business entities due to the restrictions caused by the pandemic, that complement and explain the activities proposed by the President and Government of the Russian Federation, taking into account the regional and municipal levels. Conclusions. The uncertain current situation requires constant adjustment and adaptation of public policy in accordance with specific circumstances. Ensuring the country's economic security and sustainability associates with creation of a business organization system that connects public administration tools and business support and development opportunities under the changed environment.


Author(s):  
Rüdiger Wolfrum

This chapter explores the general question of how to establish that the regulation of a certain matter constitutes a matter of community-wide concern, which is the necessary step for the recognition of community obligation. The hypothesis is that such a qualification must, first, be well founded factually and, secondly, accepted as such in a legal or political legitimizing process. On this basis, the chapter suggests that the governance of spaces beyond national jurisdiction constitutes a community interest and has to be guided by the interests of the international community. Exploring this question with respect to key common spaces and particular issues, the chapter notes the difficulty of most of the dispute settlement systems, which, being bilateral, are not fully adequate to address questions related to the management of global commons as well as for the protection of the environment. To avoid this difficulty, the chapter suggests greater reliance on advisory opinions where available.


Author(s):  
Rowan Nicholson

If the term were given its literal meaning, international law would be law between ‘nations’. It is often described instead as being primarily between states. But this conceals the diversity of the nations or state-like entities that have personality in international law or that have had it historically. This book reconceptualizes statehood by positioning it within that wider family of state-like entities. An important conclusion of the book is that states themselves have diverse legal underpinnings. Practice in cases such as Somalia and broader principles indicate that international law provides not one but two alternative methods of qualifying as a state: subject to exceptions connected with territorial integrity and peremptory norms, an entity can be a state either on the ground that it meets criteria of effectiveness or on the ground that it is recognized by all other states. Another conclusion is that states, in the strict legal sense in which the word is used today, have never been the only state-like entities with personality in international law. Others from the past and present include imperial China in the period when it was unreceptive to Western norms; pre-colonial African chiefdoms; ‘states-in-context’, an example of which may be Palestine, which have the attributes of statehood relative to states that recognize them; and entities such as Hong Kong.


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