scholarly journals WHAT THE (EXPLETIVE) IS A “CONSTITUTION”?! ORDINARY CADRES CONFRONT THE 1954 PRC DRAFT CONSTITUTION

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil J. Diamant
Keyword(s):  
Real Time ◽  
Critical Period ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Intellectual Origins ◽  
History Of ◽  
Legal Concepts ◽  
Draft Constitution ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractFollowing the history of western constitutional history, studies of Chinese constitutionalism have tended to focus on its intellectual origins, or, more commonly these days, its failure to restrain official behavior. Drawing upon new archival materials, this article takes a different tack. I zero in on a critical period of constitutional gestation, when officials read the 1954 constitution in draft form, posed questions about its text and suggested revisions. How did officials react when told that citizens, many of whom were recently persecuted, now enjoy “freedom of assembly”? These materials allow us to see “the state” in real time: How did officials understand core legal concepts such as “right,” “constitution” and “citizen” as well as their role in the new polity? In many respects, the discussion surrounding the draft constitution turned out to be a venue for officials to talk about the meaning of the revolution they had just experienced.

Franco-British Naval Rivalry and the Crisis of the Monarchy, 1759–1789*

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Chaline
Keyword(s):  
Critical Period ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Revolution

Did the immense investment in the French Navy in the context of the crisis of the monarchy outstrip the financial resources of the État royal, thus being a major cause or even the principal cause of the Revolution? Financially the critical period was not the War of American Independence but the years following the return of peace. The decisions made by those in charge of the French navy to maintain its expansion, while the costs of construction were doubling and while the state-funded budget was shrinking, were heavy with troublesome consequences as the monarchy was plunged into political crisis after the summoning of the Assembly of Notables.

The State in the Middle Ages. A Comparative Constitutional History of Feudal Europe

1977 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Poggi ◽  
H. Mitteis ◽  
H. F. Orton
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Middle Ages

Pitt and Peel—1783–4, 1834–5

1899 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Frank H. Hill
Keyword(s):  
American Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Working Through ◽  
History Of ◽  
Great Force ◽  
George Iii ◽  
The Revolution

The classic view of the struggle between George III. and the Whig aristocracy, which had its climax and catastrophe in the years 1783–4, is given with great force in Sir George Trevelyan's ‘History of the American Revolution.’ ‘By the time,’ he writes, ‘George III. had been on the throne ten years, there were no two opinions about the righteousness and wisdom of the Revolution of 1688. To hear them talk they were all Whigs together, but meanwhile, under their eyes and with their concurrence, a despotism of subtle and insidious texture was being swiftly and deftly interwoven into the entire fabric of the constitution. The strong will, the imperious character and the patient unresting industry of the King, working through subservient Ministers on a corrupt Parliament, had made him master of the State as effectively and far more securely than if his authority had rested on the support of an army of foreign mercenaries.’

scholarly journals Constitution of Nepal and Political Development: Adaption and Challenges of Implication

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 148-159
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Interdisciplinary Studies ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peace And Development

The present constitution- promulgated by the Constitutional Assembly (CA) in September, 2015 is the seventh written document in the constitutional history of Nepal which has institutionalized Federal Democratic Republic achieved after the success of peoples' movement of 2006. It was made based on the principles of constitutionalism. The constitution of Nepal has addressed different issues for a modern state and is regarded as a progressive, people oriented constitution. It has also paved paths for further economic development. It has opened door for rights of the people, political stability, restructuring of the state, and sustainable peace and development of the state. However, there are many prospects as well as numerous challenges for its proper implementation. Some Madhes based parties (People of Terai) and ethnic minorities have criticized the constitution for being unable to address their pertinent issues fully. However, they have involved in the process of constitution implementation by participating in first local, provincial and federal level election held under new constitution. So the government needs to bring the Madhesh based parties and other groups into a peaceful consensus and should pave a path for implementation of this constitution. At the same time, implementation of federalism, election of local bodies, sustainable peace, political stability and development are among other challenges faced by this constitution. Janapriya Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, Vol. 6 (December 2017), Page: 148-159

scholarly journals Muslim documents from the French archive of Alimardan Topchubashov

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Irina Leonidovna Babich
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
October Revolution ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Russian History ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Revolution

This article analyzes the archival materials of France, which belonged to the Caucasian emigrants (after the October Revolution). Having immigrated to Europe, they took with them the archives, which contained the documents that covered various aspects of history of the Russian Empire. This is the first article in Russia that carries out an analysis of all the documents on the topic. The goal consists in examination of the documents from the archive of the prominent Azerbaijani figure Alimardan Topchubashov (Paris, France), which reflect life of the Russian Muslims prior to the 1917 Revolution. Before the Revolution, Topchubashov i (having a degree in Law) was one of the active supporters of modernization of Islamic life in the Caucasus; therefore, his archive contains the materials on this aspect of life of the citizens of the Russian Empire (deputy to the State Duma in 1906, initiator of creation of the Muslim faction in State Duma, initiator of the Muslim congresses in Russia). The aforementioned documents are analyzed in the Islamic context of the Russian history for the first time. The conclusion is made that the Muslim part of the archive of Alimardan Topchubashov is a unique compilation of primary sources, which give an general outlook on life of the Muslims in the Russian Empire, including Caucasus over the period from 1890 to 1917. The author unites these documents into three groups. The developed by Alimardan Topchubashov program of the fundamental changes in life of the Muslims is described in these documents.

The Crisis of the Nobility at the Twilight of the Monarchy*

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Figeac
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Revolution

The history of the French nobility has long been symptomatic with that of the Revolution, and this chapter takes a fresh look at the state of the second estate in the years preceding 1789. Confronted by the problems arising from demographic decline, the pressure of the state, and a certain internal malaise as it sought to cope with internal divisions and to make sense of its own place in the world, the French nobility could be seen as a state of crisis. With some nobles even going so far as to attack the concept of nobility itself, these divisions would have important repercussions in 1789.

scholarly journals HENRY HALLAM REVISITED

2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-473
Author(s):  
MICHAEL BENTLEY
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
David Hume ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Time And Space ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Law And Science ◽  
The Middle Ages

ABSTRACTAlthough Henry Hallam (1777–1859) is best known for his Constitutional History of England (1827) and as a founder of ‘whig’ history, to situate him primarily as a mere critic of David Hume or as an apprentice to Thomas Babington Macaulay does him a disservice. He wrote four substantial books of which the first, his View of the state of Europe during the middle ages (1818), deserves to be seen as the most important; and his correspondence shows him to have been integrated into the contemporary intelligentsia in ways that imply more than the Whig acolyte customarily portrayed by commentators. This article re-situates Hallam by thinking across both time and space and depicts a significant historian whose filiations reached to Europe and North America. It proposes that Hallam did not originate the whig interpretation of history but rather that he created a sense of the past resting on law and science which would be reasserted in the age of Darwin.

Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848

2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Colley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Constitution ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
State Constitutions ◽  
American Colonies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
History Of Western Civilization ◽  
The Revolution

Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”

Political Ideas and Political Struggle of the Pre-Revolutionary Russian Clergy (The Case of the Ryazan Diocese)

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 125-159
Author(s):  
Hegumen Vitaliy (I.N. Utkin)
Keyword(s):  
Teaching Experience ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Views ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

This article, written using the materials of Ryazan diocesan press, studies the history of the formation of political ideas and the political struggle of pre-revolutionary Russian clergy. In the process of forming separate spiritual estate and system of the rationalized Latin-speaking spiritual education within the Russian Empire, the clergy becomes one of the forces modernizing the country, while perceiving itself as the enlightener and the civilizer of people. The state saw the clergy as petty officials, but the clergy were not willing to accept this role. During the creation of elementary school in the system of the Ministry of State Property, the clergy strengthened their social position and acquired many years of teaching experience. The liberal nobility feared that the clergy would take the lead in rural life by alienating the landlords. Zemstvos begin to fight to push the clergy away from the peasants, squeezing the clergy out of schools. At the same time, churches start opening schools en masse. The clergy enters a political struggle with the liberal gentry. Church periodicals began to appear, shaping the political stance of the clergy. The clergy sees itself as a separate politicum, which can be higher than zemstvos as all-empowerment bodies. Diocesan congresses, as well as district and parochial assemblies start appearing as a means of unification and consolidation of the clergy.The necessity of intra-church democracy, while ignoring the canonical role of the bishop and mass media's leading role, becomes a dominant idea in the clergy's life until the Revolution of 1917. These democratic representations in the Ryazan diocesan press were not called “sobornost” anymore but were political in nature. For utilitarian purposes, the state power supported such aspirations of the clergy during the 1912 election campaign to the State Duma. The clergy had the opportunity to realize their political views during the February Revolution of 1917 and fully supported it. Diocesan bishops were expelled, each parish was considered as a separate “local church”. The clergy sought to remain unelected and beyond the control of the parishioners, although they themselves insisted on electing diocesan bishops. However, parishioners turned their backs on their pastors. Some clergy were expelled from parishes, others limited the level of fees for services. Representatives of the laity and lower clergy drove the clergy out of elected parish and diocesan authorities. As the revolution developed and the country descended into chaos, the clergy, who had taken part in these processes, did not accept their share of responsibility for what was happening; on the contrary — they blamed the “ignorant” people for the church trials.

scholarly journals Katerynoslav Region rebellion in 1920–1921 according to the Report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Emergency Commission

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Dmytro Arkhireyskyi ◽  
Anhelina Bulanova
Keyword(s):  
Final Stage ◽  
The State ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Historical Knowledge ◽  
Historical Source ◽  
History Of ◽  
Scientific Significance ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
Analyze Data ◽  
The Revolution

The purpose of the article is to find out and analyze the data of the report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Extraordinary Commission on the actions of the regional insurgent movement at the final stage of the revolution of 1917–1921; to prove the scientific significance of this historical source for further studies of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 and of the Ukrainian rebel movement during the Revolution and in the post-revolutionary time. Methods of research: chronological, comparative, biographical. The main results: an array of data from The Report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Extraordinary Commission on the rebel movement on the territory of the province in 1920–1921 was discovered; the terminology of the state document related to counterinsurgency has been analyzed; it was established that the Katerynoslav Chekists distinguished two main types of insurgency – Makhno and Petliur; describes the dynamics of the deployment of the insurgent movement in Katerynoslav region at the final stage of the revolution; ideological foundations of the state counteraction to the insurgency have been identified; focuses on the most characteristic means of fighting the Katerynoslav Provincial Emergency Commission against the Ukrainian armed resistance movement. Practical significance: the results of the work can be used in synthetic works on the history of Ukraine during the revolution of 1917–1921, to develop special courses in the history of Ukraine. These materials can also be used to promote historical knowledge. Originality: the work is completely original, contains criticism of a complex historical source, has elements of comparative analysis. Scientific novelty: first attempt was made to comprehensively withdraw from The Report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Emergency Commission and to analyze data on the dynamics of the insurgent movement in the province in 1920–1921, as well as measures of the Chekists to suppress it. Type of article: overview.

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