Political Ideas and Political Struggle of the Pre-Revolutionary Russian Clergy (The Case of the Ryazan Diocese)

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 125-159
Author(s):  
Hegumen Vitaliy (I.N. Utkin)
Keyword(s):  
Teaching Experience ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Views ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

This article, written using the materials of Ryazan diocesan press, studies the history of the formation of political ideas and the political struggle of pre-revolutionary Russian clergy. In the process of forming separate spiritual estate and system of the rationalized Latin-speaking spiritual education within the Russian Empire, the clergy becomes one of the forces modernizing the country, while perceiving itself as the enlightener and the civilizer of people. The state saw the clergy as petty officials, but the clergy were not willing to accept this role. During the creation of elementary school in the system of the Ministry of State Property, the clergy strengthened their social position and acquired many years of teaching experience. The liberal nobility feared that the clergy would take the lead in rural life by alienating the landlords. Zemstvos begin to fight to push the clergy away from the peasants, squeezing the clergy out of schools. At the same time, churches start opening schools en masse. The clergy enters a political struggle with the liberal gentry. Church periodicals began to appear, shaping the political stance of the clergy. The clergy sees itself as a separate politicum, which can be higher than zemstvos as all-empowerment bodies. Diocesan congresses, as well as district and parochial assemblies start appearing as a means of unification and consolidation of the clergy.The necessity of intra-church democracy, while ignoring the canonical role of the bishop and mass media's leading role, becomes a dominant idea in the clergy's life until the Revolution of 1917. These democratic representations in the Ryazan diocesan press were not called “sobornost” anymore but were political in nature. For utilitarian purposes, the state power supported such aspirations of the clergy during the 1912 election campaign to the State Duma. The clergy had the opportunity to realize their political views during the February Revolution of 1917 and fully supported it. Diocesan bishops were expelled, each parish was considered as a separate “local church”. The clergy sought to remain unelected and beyond the control of the parishioners, although they themselves insisted on electing diocesan bishops. However, parishioners turned their backs on their pastors. Some clergy were expelled from parishes, others limited the level of fees for services. Representatives of the laity and lower clergy drove the clergy out of elected parish and diocesan authorities. As the revolution developed and the country descended into chaos, the clergy, who had taken part in these processes, did not accept their share of responsibility for what was happening; on the contrary — they blamed the “ignorant” people for the church trials.

scholarly journals Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Short Time

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 

scholarly journals The Political and Legal Aspect of the Relations between the Autocracy and the Adventists in the Context of the General Protestant Movement in the Second Half of the Nineteenth and First Years of the Twentieth Centuries

2008 ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
Roman Anatoliyovych Sitarchuk
Keyword(s):  
Legal Aspect ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Seventh Day Adventist ◽  
Theoretical Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Exploration ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

The topic of the study is a component of modern scientific exploration that examines the role of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in building our multi-denominational society. In particular, the issue of determining the place and role of the Adventist Church in society and the state is important. However, today it is possible to unleash it only by summing up the accumulated experience in this field for the whole period of the history of Adventism in Ukraine. The problem of state-confessional relations is important, but it has not been given sufficient importance in terms of theoretical research, which sometimes leads to gross errors in the construction of these relations, which is not beneficial to society. Thus, it is interesting for us to experience the emergence of relations between the state and the Adventist faith in the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Russian Empire, since that is when the formation of the Adventist Church in the domestic territories began.

scholarly journals Muslim documents from the French archive of Alimardan Topchubashov

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Irina Leonidovna Babich
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
October Revolution ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Russian History ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Revolution

This article analyzes the archival materials of France, which belonged to the Caucasian emigrants (after the October Revolution). Having immigrated to Europe, they took with them the archives, which contained the documents that covered various aspects of history of the Russian Empire. This is the first article in Russia that carries out an analysis of all the documents on the topic. The goal consists in examination of the documents from the archive of the prominent Azerbaijani figure Alimardan Topchubashov (Paris, France), which reflect life of the Russian Muslims prior to the 1917 Revolution. Before the Revolution, Topchubashov i (having a degree in Law) was one of the active supporters of modernization of Islamic life in the Caucasus; therefore, his archive contains the materials on this aspect of life of the citizens of the Russian Empire (deputy to the State Duma in 1906, initiator of creation of the Muslim faction in State Duma, initiator of the Muslim congresses in Russia). The aforementioned documents are analyzed in the Islamic context of the Russian history for the first time. The conclusion is made that the Muslim part of the archive of Alimardan Topchubashov is a unique compilation of primary sources, which give an general outlook on life of the Muslims in the Russian Empire, including Caucasus over the period from 1890 to 1917. The author unites these documents into three groups. The developed by Alimardan Topchubashov program of the fundamental changes in life of the Muslims is described in these documents.

scholarly journals O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nataliia Chernikova ◽  
Iryna Karpan
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right

The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.

V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

Парламент или Советы: российский выбор 1918 года

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
Игорь А. Исаев
Keyword(s):  
Legal History ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
The State ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Political Form ◽  
The Revolution

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.

Prologue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Expression ◽  
Intangible Heritage ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Print Literacy

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.

To the 100th Anniversary of the USSR State Planning Committee

2021 ◽  
Vol 144 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Victor A. Pchelkin ◽  
◽  
Galina Yu. Kuznetsova ◽  
Tatiana А. Zheltonozhko ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Structure ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
The State ◽  
Planning Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Planning ◽  
History Of ◽  
Ussr State ◽  
Objective Necessity

A step-by-step and objective review of the history of the State Planning Committee of the USSR (Gosplan), presented by the authors, helps to form a holistic idea of how the power of the USSR arose and what objective necessity or what subjective factors led to a radical change in the political and socio-economic structure of the country.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

The First Nutcracker, the Enchantment of International Relations, and the Franco-Russian Alliance

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-149
Author(s):  
Damien Mahiet
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Fairy Tale ◽  
Sleeping Beauty ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
History Of

Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.

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