scholarly journals Strengthening the Multi-Party Presidential Government in Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-232
Author(s):  
Moh. Ilham A. Hamudy ◽  
M. Saidi Rifki

The Multi-Party Presidential Government in Indonesia has reached a critical point. The 2.5 percent parliamentary threshold rule in the 2009 Election was incapable to address the issue. The parliamentary threshold was raised to 3.5 percent in 2014, in the hope to reduce the number of party joining the election, but it failed to do so. There were 9 national parties participating in the 2009 election, and it will be increased to 16 in the 2019 election. Theoretically, the combination of multi-party parliament in a Presidential Government is rather strange. It is not surprising that the "conflict" between the president and parliament often occurs. There suppose to be a coalition supporting the government in parliament, but the coalition is not a firm one. The coalition did not have a significant influence in strengthening the presidential government. Therefore, this study intends to provide a complete picture of multi-party system practices while trying to provide solutions for strengthening the presidential government in Indonesia. To achieve this goal, this study uses the literature study method in collecting relevant information, using a qualitative approach. This approach is considered appropriate because multi-party phenomena and presidential systems are multidimensional. In contrast to previous research which was limited to the description and problems of multiparty systems, this research besides describing the system of government also provided moderate solutions that were considered to be in accordance with the Indonesian context. This study assumes that strengthening presidential systems can be done if the political parties are more modest. In addition, parliamentary support for the president must be optimized. The results of the study concluded that the strengthening of presidential systems must be carried out through the purification of the government system contained in the constitution, forming and strengthening the ranks of government coalitions in parliament, and carrying out a number of institutional engineering through various forms. These three things must be wrapped in a constitutional frame (amendments to the 1945 Constitution) and regulations (revisions to laws and government regulations). The amendments and revisions can be done through three corridors, namely the intra-parliamentary movement, the extra-parliamentary movement, and the referendum.

Author(s):  
Isnaini Isnaini

Abstrak: Koalisi dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial menjadi penting ketika lembaga eksekutif dan lembaga legislatif memiliki ruang intervensi terhadap kerja pemerintahan seperti di Indonesia. Pemerintah merasa perlu membangun koalisi yang mampu menstabilkan dan memuluskan kebijakan dan kerja pemerintahan. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis eksistensi koalisi partai politik dalam sistem pemerintahan presidensial Indonesia. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan mengkaji bagaimana mewujudkan sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang ideal pada sistem multipartai di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif, pendekatan yuridis normatif digunakan untuk mengkaji atau menganalisis data sekunder yang berupa bahan-bahan hukum, terutama bahan-bahan hukum primer dan sekunder. Metode pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi pustaka dalam bentuk deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa eksistensi koalisi partai politik dalam praktek penyelenggaraan pemerintahan terjadi perluasan arti, koalisi partai politik secara konstitusi dilakukan dalam rangka pemilihan umum. Koalisi sulit dihindari dalam sistem multipartai di Indonesia. Sistem pemerintahan presidensial dengan sistem multipartai tidak cocok jika dikombinasikan karena dapat menghancurkan demokrasi, bangsa harus menentukan pilihannya antara mempertahankan sistem pemerintahan presidensial murni sesuai konstitusi. Sistem kepartaian harus dimodifikasi menjadi sistem multipartai terbatas. Selanjutnya ada 3 hal yang harus dilakukan untuk mewujudkan sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang ideal bagi demokrasi Indonesia; a] Menyederhanakan partai politik, b] Mengatur koalisi tetap, dan c] Mengatur lembaga oposisi.Abstract:  The presidential government system coalition becomes important when the executive and legislative have an intervention to government work as well as Indonesia. The government needs to build coalitions which are able to stabilize and smooth government policies and work. This study aims to analyze the existence of a coalition of political parties in Indonesia's presidential government system, also to realize an ideal presidential government system in a multiparty system in Indonesia. This study uses a normative juridical approach, used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary and secondary data. Data collection method was done through literature study in descriptive form. The results showed that the existence of a coalition of political parties in the government expanded the meaning, a coalition of political parties constitutionally carried out in the context of general elections. Coalition cannot be avoided in a multiparty system in Indonesia. A presidential government system with a multiparty system is not suitable if it combined, because it can destroy democracy, the nation must make its choice in maintaining a purely presidential government system in accordance with constitution. The party system must be modified to a limited multiparty system. Furthermore, there are 3 things that must be done to realize an ideal presidential government system for Indonesian democracy; a] Simplifying political parties, b] Arranging permanent coalitions, and c] Organizing opposition institutions.


2018 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Andrzej ANTSZEWSKI

Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Almira Nur Amalia

One of the problems faced by the Indonesian people is the unequal distribution of doctors, especially in villages and other disadvantaged areas. One of the causes is the low interest of medical students and doctors to work in the area. The government as the highest authority holder should have made efforts to solve a state problem as outlined in the form of government policy. Recent research conducted by Kharinnisa et al in 2016 identified several factors that influenced the interest of medical students to work in rural areas. This study was conducted to determine the relationship of these factors with government policy. This study is a descriptive qualitative study in the form of a literature study. Of the eight factors, only half are supported by government regulations, namely having visited rural areas, career opportunities, income potential, facilities in rural areas and factors not yet supported by government regulations include university location, family economic status, closeness to family and spouse. Therefore it is necessary to study the formation of government policies that can support all these factors along with the proper implementation of these policies.


Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marzia Maccaferri

This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Efriza Efriza

<pre><em><span lang="EN">This paper discusses the relationship between the President and the House of Representatives and the coalition government based on the three years of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), who was trapped in inter-institutional competition as a consequence of a mixture of presidential and multi-party systems</span></em><em><span lang="IN">.</span></em><em></em><em><span lang="IN">Initialy</span></em><em><span lang="EN">, President Jokowi has the desire to realize a coalition based on ideology and the same program (consensus coalition) between political parties, but the reality, it is difficult to make it happen in government,</span></em><em><span lang="IN"> finally President Jokowi re-elected a coalition of “all parties”</span></em><em><span lang="EN">. </span></em><em><span lang="IN">Using </span></em><em><span lang="EN">some of the basics of Scott Mainwaring and David Altman about presidential and multiparty combination systems and coalitions in presidential systems, complemented by several Coalitions. Then, complete the results of Otto Kirchheimer on Catch All Party, to outline the transformation of the party in this modern era. Accompanied by discussions on political parties in Indonesia, based on Yasraf Amir Piliang's description of political nomadism. Based on the facts and outcomes, a combination of presidential and multiparty systems and the government's management of government by President Jokowi, which manages a "fat" coalition with accommodative leadership and transactional performances. Matters relating to the harmonious relationship between the President and the House of Representatives with the consequence that the President is committed to realizing an unconditional coalition and not for the power-seats. Coalition management can be done because the choice of the party that develops as a supporter of the government is also based not only on the need for political imagery in order to encourage electoral in the political market, but also in the spirit of the party.</span></em><em></em></pre><pre><em><span lang="EN">                                                                                                                          </span></em><span lang="EN">                               </span></pre><pre><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">Key</span></em></strong><strong><em></em></strong><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">words</span></em></strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">: </span></em><em><span lang="EN">Presidential System, Coalition Government, the President-Parliament Relations, Leadership Jokowi </span></em><em></em></pre>


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Moch. Marsa Taufiqurrohman

Artikel ini berupaya meninjau kembali praktik koalisi partai politik di tengah sistem presidensial pasca reformasi, dan menilai sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap kestabilan pemerintahan. Pasca reformasi 1998, sejumlah besar partai politik telah didirikan, menunjukkan bahwa munculnya fragmentasi politik adalah sesuatu yang tidak terhindarkan. Alih-alih melaksanakan pemerintahan secara sehat, partai politik membentuk koalisi untuk memperkuat kedudukan mereka di parlemen. Implikasi penerapan multi partai dalam sistem presidensial ini seringkali menimbulkan deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Sistem presidensial yang dikombinasikan dengan sistem multi partai dapat menjadi sistem yang stabil dan efektif dengan cara penyederhanaan partai politik, desain pelembagaan koalisi, dan pengaturan pelembagaan oposisi. Namun di sisi lain koalisi juga menjadi sangat berpengaruh pada stabilitas pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, artikel ini bertujuan untuk meneliti politik hukum terkait praktik koalisi partai politik di Indonesia dan mengetahui upaya-upaya dalam praktik ketatanegaraan yang dapat merealisasikan stabilitas sistem pemerintahan presidensial pada koalisi di multi partai. Artikel ini menemukan kesimpulan bahwa model pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat justru menjadi penyebab disharmonisasi antara legislatif dan eksekutif yang mengarah kepada terjadinya kebuntuan antar kedua lembaga tersebut. Lebih-lebih apabila yang menguasai lembaga ekesekutif dan lembaga legislatif adalah dari latar belakang partai politik yang berbeda. Akibatnya, praktik koalisi seperti ini cenderung mengakibatkan lebih banyak masalah, sehingga penerapan sistem ini memiliki dampak signifikan terhadap demokrasi yang didefinisikan dan dinegosiasikan. This article attempts to review the practice of coalitions of political parties in the post-reform presidential system and assess the extent of their impact on the stability of the government. Post-1998 reform, a large number of political parties have been established, suggesting that the emergence of political fragmentation is inevitable. Instead of implementing a healthy government, political parties formed coalitions to strengthen their positions in parliament. The implication of implementing multi-party in the presidential system often creates deadlocks between the executive and the legislature. A presidential system combined with a multi-party system can become a stable and effective system by simplifying political parties, designing institutionalized coalitions, and organizing opposition institutions. But on the other hand, the coalition has also greatly influenced the stability of the government. By using normative juridical research methods, this article aims to examine legal politics related to the practice of political party coalitions in Indonesia and to find out the efforts in state administration practices that can realize the stability of the presidential system of government in multi-party coalitions. This article finds the conclusion that the legislative and executive election models directly elected by the people are the cause of disharmony between the legislature and the executive which leads to a deadlock between the two institutions. This is even more so if those who control the executive and legislative bodies are from different political party backgrounds. As a result, coalition practices like this are likely to cause more problems, so the adoption of these systems has a significant impact on defined and negotiated democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Zuhdi Arman

Amendment Act of 1945 that occurred in the era of reform based on a commitment to reinforce the Presidential system. In contrast, multi-party system in combination with the current presidential system of government is to encourage parties to form a coalition that actually weakens the presidential system itself. Practices in Indonesian coalition formed before the general election of President and Vice President dominated political dealings regarding the division of public office without the formulation of a common platform. In fact, the coalition was formed not ensure that parties who are members of the coalition that has a representative in the legislature will always support government programs. Therefore, this study aimed to understand the application of multi-party system in the Presidential system of government in Indonesia in the reform era at once formulate implications for the executive and legislative relations and the implementation of the ideal. This type of research can be can be classified into types of normative juridical research, because it makes the literature as the main focus. Source of data used,the primary legal materials,secondary law, and tertiary legal materials. Data collection techniques in thisstudy using the method of literature study. The results showed that the application of multi-party system in the Presidential system of government actually weaken the presidential system and have implications for the executive and legislative relations. Three things that the implications are; First, the number of political parties' interests that conflict with government policy. Second, the absence of permanent coalition arrangement. Third, the weak position of President. Ideally the implementation of a multi-party system, in order to create stability in the Indonesian presidential system of government, then there are three (3) things that need to be addressed in our Presidential system, namely: First, the simplification of the political parties, the second, setting the coalition remains, and the third, the strengthening of institutional design presidency. The author suggests needed coalition of political parties that are permanently defined by the rules of Law clearer so that it will produce a strong and efficient government.


Author(s):  
Arif Khan ◽  
Saiful Islam ◽  
Muhammad Alam

No doubt for a democracy to be triumphant, multi-party system or, at least two party systems is obligatory. A country where there is one party system and lack observant and efficient opposition there are every chances for the incumbent party to become autocratic and domineering. One party system is most of the times susceptible to transform into dictatorship. Most of the times where there is one party system, the opposition is stifled and trampled and the dictatorship of the single party is established. Germany during Hitler’s rule and Italy during Mussoloni rule are the cases in point. One cannot imagine of a democratic set up without a healthy and watchful opposition. For the success of any parliamentary democracy, an effective opposition is must to carry out its functions courageously and effectively. The paper analyses the rights, responsibilities and obligations of opposition in a democratic system. For this purpose, the techniques adopted by the researcher for data collection include a detailed survey of the available literature covering different aspects of the topic. The internationally reputed authors and experts have been quoted. It is for the government to allow the opposition to fulfil their functions, which indicates a sign of democratic maturity on the part of government. The opposition has to focus on its democratic functions and if it fails to do so, it will be a sign of dysfunctional democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Widayati Widayati ◽  
Winanto Winanto

Indonesia since before independence until the time the core adopted a multi-party system. While the system of government changes, from a presidential, parliamentary, quasi presidential system. Multiparty presidential government systems can disrupt the stability and effectiveness of the government because there must be a coalition of political parties in the government, the preparation of the cabinet by the President must consider and accommodate the interests of coalition political parties, decision making or policy-making must also consider the interests of coalition political parties, so it will require longer time. The coalition of political parties is very fluid and pragmatic, so there may be a change in the coalition because there is a possibility that political parties that were outside the coalition will then enter the government coalition, and vice versa. Exit the entry of political parties in the government coalition will certainly be very disturbing, because political parties who have just joined the government will demand a seat in the government, especially in the cabinet. Unloading pairs of the cabinet or dismantling pairs of government seats will often occur. This of course greatly disrupts the stability and effectiveness of government. Therefore, a presidential government system ideally does not combine with a multi-party system. A change from a multi-party system to a simple multi-party system is needed, or if possible with a two-party system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-292
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Romanyuk ◽  
Vitaliy Lytvyn

This article is devoted to study and comparative analysis of the features and levels of support for new political parties during parliamentary elections in Ukraine, in particular the period 1998–2019. With this in mind, mainly based on the calculations of the indices of overall electoral volatility, intra-system electoral volatility and extra-system electoral volatility, we analyze the parameters of changes in electoral support (by voters) for political parties, in particular new ones, during the 1998–2019 parliamentary elections in Ukraine. In addition, we correlate overall, intra-system and extra-system electoral volatility, and present the correlation of overall electoral volatility in the sample of all political parties as the subjects of electoral processes in Ukraine and political parties elected to the national parliament (the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine). As a result, the study outlines two clusters of extra-system electoral volatility, which show the highest level of similarity, and calculates the dependence of the level of electoral volatility and stability of the party system in Ukraine. With this background, we conclude that electoral volatility in Ukraine is largely determined by the effect of party affiliation or desire to belong to the government or opposition, and is regulated by the special context of identity politics in this country.


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