Extract from A Wrack Behind

1999 ◽  
Vol 103 (1022) ◽  
pp. 214
Author(s):  
Norton Lord Kings

In 1943, with the world still at war, a great discussion on the future of aeronautical education was held by the Royal Aeronautical Society. Not only would the war years, however many were still to come, demand more well-qualified aeronautical engineers, but the longed for peace years, with engineers turning swords into ploughshares, would want more. The discussion was in two parts. One took place on 25 June and the other on 23 July. Many of the leading figures in British aeronautics took part and in the chair on both occasions was Dr Roxbee Cox, a vice-president of the society. The discussion culminated in a resolution based on a proposal by Marcus Langley. That resolution and the discussion which led to it resulted in the recommendation by the Aeronautical Research Committee that a post-graduate college of aeronautical science should be established. This was followed by governmental action. Sir Stafford Cripps, then the minister responsible for aircraft production, set up a committee presided over by Sir Roy Fedden to make specific proposals, and the committee recommended in its 1944 report that such a college should be a new and independent establishment. In 1945 the government created the College of Aeronautics board of governors under the chairmanship of Air Chief Marshal Sir Edgar Ludlow-Hewitt to bring the college into existence and govern it. The first meeting of this board took place on 28 June 1945 and there were present: Sir Edgar Ludlow Hewitt, Dr W. Abbot, Mr Hugh Burroughs, Sir Roy Fedden, Mr J. Ferguson, Sir Harold Hartley, Sir William Hil-dred, Sir Melvill Jones, Dr E.B. Moullin, Mr J.D. North, Sir Frederick Handley Page, Mr E.F. Relf, Dr H. Roxbee Cox, Air Marshal Sir Ralph Sovley, Rear Admiral S.H. Troubridge and Mr W.E.P. Ward. Sir William Stanier, who had been appointed, was not present.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-116

Kenya is one of those countries in the world suffering from the deadly Corona virus and its economy is greatly affected. There is therefore a need for the Kenyan government to put measures in place to break the chain of spreading the virus by enforcing nationwide curfew, boarder lockdown of the most affected counties and stay and work from home measures. The Ministry of health alongside its stakeholders had to quickly set up various mechanisms to counter the disease. The government took drastic steps to curb the spread of the pandemic by closing down learning institutions, entertainment joints, eateries and public gathering including funerals. Church services and weddings were temporarily banned too. This was to break the chain and reduce the spread of the virus and if possible completely eliminate the Covid-19 in the country. Due to the urgency of the matter, leaders needed to embrace new ways of doing things and have a vision clearly spelt and well understood approach. On the other hand, leaders in charge of communication needed to verify their facts and not be too quick to call for press conferences to ensure that channels of communications were open to all in order to avoid speculations that results in lack of trust if things are not done in a transparent way.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
Li Lin Lau ◽  
Farzana Quoquab ◽  
Abu Bakar Abdul Hamid

This case illustrates the issues pertaining to the “PutItOn” campaign promotion launched by the Malaysian AIDS Council (MAC). This case primarily discusses the social marketing challenges encountered by MAC with the task to promote intervention programs on condom use and women’s safe sex practices to influence social change. However, promoting condom use is regarded as taboo and is not allowed to be mentioned in Malaysian mainstream mass media because of restrictions by the Communications and Multimedia Act. The government also cannot openly advocate condom use because of sociocultural sensitivity. In addition, some people might misinterpret promoting condom use as encouraging promiscuity. On the other hand, official statistics show that new HIV cases have shifted the trend from men to women in recent years, and the major factor for women infected by HIV was through sexual transmission. Dr. Suzi, communication manager of MAC, is in charge of the “PutItOn” campaign. She faced difficulty in increasing awareness among women about the campaign with the consideration of social and cultural issues. The campaign was launched in December 2014, but not many people seemed aware of this campaign after four months of its launch. The chairman of MAF, Dr. Roselina, advised her to come up with an effective promotional strategy for the “PutItOn” campaign by April. Dr. Suzi had only one month to devise a plan to solve the problem; otherwise, MAC has to close the campaign. Dr. Suzi was worried about the sociocultural pressure to promote the “PutItOn” campaign.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Ankit Kashyap ◽  
Mehak Jonjua

‗The best argument against democracy is a five- minute conversation with the average voter‘ is a famous quote by Winston Churchill. The statement also indicates the success or failure in any form of government depends primarily on voters and not on parties or politicians. The sustenance of a government in a democratic set up and in the age of anti-incumbency is viable only if it has the mandate. The current government in the territory of India is thriving despite a strong effort by the opposition to come together and stand against the government. The last two Lok Sabha elections held in 2014 and 2019 in India has been exemplary from the perspective that it has largely been Bhartiya Janata Party versus all other political parties, unlike the previous election where there has been contest between ruling and opposition parties. This paper aims to review the functioning of the incumbent government in last five years from manifesto till its implementation. The paper also aims to review the different policies launched by the government and their outcome. The paper will also examine how the government took some landmark decisions that witnessed mass protest and may prove fatal in times to come.


Antiquity ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 74 (285) ◽  
pp. 693-700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Shaw

Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).


2021 ◽  
pp. 30-76
Author(s):  
Catriona Kelly

In 1961, the government bodies responsible for film production (the Ministries of Culture of the USSR and RSFSR) forcibly imposed on a reluctant Lenfilm the complete reorganization of production planning. The old Scripts Department was shut down and three “creative units” set up. This change was pushed through by Lenfilm’s energetic and flamboyant new general director, Ilya Kiselev, who had begun his career as an actor. Of the creative units, the earliest to emerge was the Third Creative Unit, which soon had a role as the flagship of contemporary cinema, a genre heavily promoted during the Thaw. However, the Third Creative Unit ran into increasing trouble as political control tightened after Khrushchev was forced to resign, and in 1969, it was closed down altogether. Yet life was not always calmer in the other units, as witnessed in particular by the difficulties that gripped the Second Creative Unit’s efforts to produce movies commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the October Revolution in 1967, and by the problems of the First Creative Unit in establishing its own character and repertoire. At the same time, the general political line at this period, while unpredictable, was not uniformly harsh, as manifested in the conclusion of Leningrad’s Party leader that audiences could “make up their own mind” about a film he disliked.


Author(s):  
Monika Adamczyk-garbowska

This chapter presents a critique of the statements by Revd Waldemar Chrostowski. No doubt there is some prejudice against Jews in Poland, but, at least in circles such as the academic community and the Polish episcopate's Commission for Dialogue with Judaism, certain things are understood and require no further explanation. In Chrostowski's statement, instead of openness, an eagerness for dialogue, and admission of transgressions, one finds a somewhat competitive, obstinate attitude. Such an attitude is not rare in this context. Some Poles think that the very fact that they are interested and involved in Jewish culture or Judaism should make all Jews in the world grateful to them; therefore, if they happen to come across criticism or hostility towards Poles or Poland on the part of a Jew, in spite of their own good will, they start to resent the whole Jewish community. In such an approach, the dominant concern is not to be open towards the other, but to demonstrate at any cost that one is right.


Author(s):  
Reinhard Bork ◽  
Renato Mangano

This chapter deals with European cross-border issues concerning groups of companies. This chapter, after outlining the difficulties encountered throughout the world in defining and regulating the group, focuses on the specific policy choices endorsed by the EIR, which clearly does not lay down any form of substantive consolidation. Instead, the EIR, on the one hand, seems to permit the ‘one group—one COMI’ rule, even to a limited extent, and, on the other hand, provides for two different regulatory devices of procedural consolidation, one based on the duties of ‘cooperation and communication’ and the other on a system of ‘coordination’ to be set up between the many proceedings affecting companies belonging to the same group.


NUTA Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Rameshwor Upadhyay

This paper highlighted Nepalese statelessness issue from Nationality perspective. Nationality is one of the major human rights concerns of the citizens. In fact, citizenship is one of the major fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution. According to the universal principle related to the statelessness, no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her nationality. In this connection, on one hand, this paper traced out the international legal obligations created by the conventions to the state parties in which state must bear the responsibility for making national laws to comply with the international instruments. On the other hand, this paper also appraised statelessness related lacunae and shortcomings seen in Municipal laws as well as gender discriminatory laws that has been supporting citizens to become statelessness. By virtue being a one of the modern democratic states in the world, it is the responsibility of the government to protect and promote human rights of the citizens including women and children. Finally, this paper suggests government to take necessary initiation to change and repeal the discriminatory provisions related to citizenship which are seen in the constitution and other statutory laws.


In September 1915 the Minister of Munitions, David Lloyd George, O.M. (1863—1945), set up the Health of Munition Workers Committee at the instigation of his Parliamentary Secretary, Dr Christopher Addison (1869—1951), who succeeded him as Minister in 1916 and in 1919 became the first Minister of Health (one of three medically qualified holders of this once important post, the other two being Walter Elliot and David Owen) (1). The Committee included Dr Walter Fletcher, F.R.S. (1873—1933), who in 1914 became the first Secretary of the Medical Research Committee at the suggestion of Dr T. R. Elliott, F.R.S. (1877—1961), the Committee having been established the previous year under Lloyd George’s National Insurance Act of 1911; Dr Leonard Hill, F.R.S. (1866—1952) was also a member. It may be mentioned that the Committee published in 1918 a report on the dietaries of munition workers (2) by Viscount Dunluce (1878—1932) and Capt. Major Greenwood, F.R.S. (1880—1949) which concluded: ‘The present provision of so many calories from fat and meat as could be made six months ago is no longer feasible. Fortunately, economic necessity and the teaching of physiology, however tentative the latter may be, do seem to point in the same direction. The substitution of energy derived from potatoes and cereals for a large portion of that yielded by fats and animal proteins would be a change that cannot scientifically be condemned’. This has been recently rediscovered by the NACNE Report (3).


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anubha Taneja Mukherjee

Decision making is an inherently complicated procedure, which by its very nature requires the decision-maker to co-opt all the stakeholders concerned. The procedure of decision-making may vary from country to country, depending on its size, culture, history and special demographic circumstances. Around the world, key decision-makers include the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. While the distribution of powers between these three may vary in tandem with their relation to each other, their roles remain the same. While the legislature enacts laws for its citizens, the executive, popularly known as the government, implements these laws and while doing so promulgates policies that are in alignment with the said laws. Mostly, the executive is also authorised to promulgate some laws of its own. The judiciary, on the other hand, comes into the picture when there is a dispute with regard to such laws. It also steps in on its own at times. While settling such disputes, the judiciary also ends up setting what we know as precedents, which also become a part of the legal fabric of a society. In a nutshell, these three are the key decision makers in any country. As mentioned above, while making decisions, these authorities are mostly required to co-opt all the stakeholders concerned, thereby making decision making a consultative process. These stakeholders include think tanks, research bodies, media and most importantly the affected party. The reason for having such a consultative procedure in place is that the decision makers are not experts in every subject or issue that comes their way. For instance, when a need to promulgate a national policy on thalassemia presents itself to a certain government, whether it be owing to media reportage or representations from the civil society, the decision makers will look towards people considered to be the experts in the subject to come forward and be a part of the policy making. One could say that this sounds like an ideal situation where the government actually invites people concerned with thalassemia to come forward and share views about it for the purpose of policy making. It is, however, true! It is as true for India as it is for any developed country. What we must ensure then is that the government or the decision maker considers us, the patients, as the experts. While it does sound obvious that those impacted with the disorder would be the ones with the first-hand knowledge about the disorder, the very fact that there is a topic in this conference on the role of patients in decision making speaks volumes about the distance that remains to be covered by the patients of thalassemia as far as participation in decision-making is concerned. With the massive strides in the field of medical science and the unflinching support of organisations like Thalassemia International Federation (TIF), we have now reached the stage where we must step out of the victim mode and represent ourselves before the decision-makers, whether by forming Patients Advocacy Groups or otherwise. One may take cue from various associations around the world. Global HD Organisations are a good example. They are known to have got together to give patients a voice in clinical research. The most popular strategy for reaching out to the decision makers is to unite, engage, and partner both in private meetings and consultative fora like events, task forces and projects. “Unite, Engage & Partner” can therefore be the most successful mantra for engaging with the decision makers. Talking of examples of advocacy and participation by patients, while there are numerous examples in Europe and North America of the power of patient advocacy so much so that patients are on the same level as doctors when it comes to voicing opinions in policy making, TIF on an international level has created since 2009 the Expert Patients Programme, and is now moving forward in giving patients a voice through its educational platform. Recently, India also launched its first Thalassemia Patients Advocacy Group (PAG) in the august presence of the Deputy Chief Minister of the capital of the country. The India PAG has seven patients from the fields of law, psychology, education and IT. The Group is already involved with the government on the formulation of the National Thalassemia Policy. This is a great start and this should give enough and more encouragement to thalassemics across the world to UNITE, ENGAGE AND PARTNER in the process that impacts them the most – decision-making!


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