THE DARKER SIDE OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: THE POWER DYNAMICS BEHIND RWANDA'SGACACACOURTS

Africa ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Thomson

ABSTRACTIn this article, I argue that the praise of legal and political analysts who perceive Rwanda'sgacacacourts as a model of locally grounded and culturally relevant transitional justice is unfounded without consideration of the broader power dynamics in which justice is delivered. Drawing on life history interviews with 37 Rwandan peasants resident in the south-west of the country, I argue that the claims of the Rwandan government that itsgacacacourts are promoting peace and reconciliation must also assess the impact of local justice mechanisms on those subject to its demands, namely ordinary people. In the case of Rwanda'sgacacacourts, local-level analysis illuminates a darker and largely unexamined aspect of transitional justice – the playing out of local power dynamics and the social and political inequalities masked by the pursuit of justice and reconciliation. My study cautions against a wholesale endorsement of thegacacacourts as an effective and legitimate form of transitional justice. Instead, it is a mechanism of state power than works to reinforce the political power of the ruling RPF and to ply international audiences with the idea that Rwanda is ‘a nation rehabilitated’ from ‘the scourge of genocide’.

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 54-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damodar Tripathi

By using both qualitative and quantitative data generated from primary as well as secondary sources the study tries to find out to what extent the social mobilization approach of UNDP supported Village Development Program (VDP) was effective to include and able to empower the indigenous Tharu people. The socio-economic status of majority of Tharus was weak and limited by state policies since historical period and local power relations which played the pivotal role to result to exclude them from the mainstream of development. In macro level the social mobilization approach of VDP was strong to initiate the issue of inclusion to empower the marginalized people, but in local level it was weak to implement the policies efficiently and effectively regards to local diverse conditions and differentiated actors. The diversity in the village resulted in the different responses to the social mobilization program. Particularly the social mobilization process was generalized and limited by the local networks of power relation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hjsa.v3i0.1496 Himalayan Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.III, Sept. 2008 p.54-72


2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-128
Author(s):  
Gema Kloppe-Santamaría

AbstractThis article analyzes the impact that religion had on the act of lynching and its legitimation in postrevolutionary Mexico. Basing its argument on the examination of several cases of lynching that took place after the religiously motivated Cristero War had ended, the article argues that the profanation of religious objects and precincts revered by Catholics, the propagation of conservative and reactionary ideologies among Catholic believers, and parish priests’ implicit or explicit endorsement of belligerent forms of Catholic activism all contributed to the perpetuation of lynching from the 1930s through the 1950s. Taking together, these three factors point at the relationship between violence and the material, symbolic, and political dimensions of Catholics’ religious experience in postrevolutionary Mexico. The fact that lynching continued well into the 1940s and 1950s, when Mexican authorities and the Catholic hierarchy reached a closer, even collaborative relationship, shows the modus vivendi between state and Church did not bring an end to religious violence in Mexico. This continuity in lynching also illuminates the centrality that popular – as opposed to official or institutional - strands of Catholicism had in construing the use of violence as a legitimate means to defend religious beliefs and symbols, and protect the social and political orders associated with Catholic religion at the local level. Victims of religiously motivated lynchings included blasphemous and anticlerical individuals, people that endorsed socialist and communist ideas, as well as people that professed Protestant beliefs and practices.


Author(s):  
Janaína Rigo Santin ◽  
Mariane Favretto

ResumoO artigo traz em questão a valorização do poder local como campo para a tomada de decisões políticas eficientes, em um tempo em que os governos atuais necessitam estar atentos ao desenvolvimento social. Ressalta-se o tratamento dado ao Município pela Constituição Federal de 1988, que o elevou à categoria de ente federado, o que tornou promissora a possibilidade de uma gestão compartilhada entre poder público e sociedade civil em âmbito local. Entretanto, o clientelismo é um problema político e social a ser enfrentado no país e que só poderá ter alguns de seus efeitos superados mediante aumento da accountability social e da participação por meio de iniciativas locais. Procura-se assim, analisar a democratização promovida pela lógica local, em que as decisões públicas ocorrem de forma descentralizada e mais próximas da população, como controladora das práticas clientelistas. O estudo justifica-se pelo imperativo de respostas céleres e eficazes às necessidades mais elementares da sociedade, sendo que a gestão local tende a ser o meio ideal para atender às demandas sociais. AbstractThe paper brings into question the appreciation of the local government as a field for making effective policy decisions at a time when the current governments need to be aware of the social development. It is noteworthy the treatment given to the municipality by the 1988 Constitution has raised to federal entity, which made it even more promising the possibility of a shared management between political society and civil society at the local level. However, patronage is still a political and social problem facing the country and overcome with increased accountability and increased performance of regulatory agencies, particularly social control. Wanted so seize the democratization promoted by the local logic, in which public decisions occur in a decentralized and closer to the population so, could curb this practice. The study is justified by the need for rapid and effective answers to the most basic needs of society, and the local management tends to be the ideal way to meet these demands. Keywords: Patronage; Municipality; Popular participation; Local power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charbel Chedrawi ◽  
Alain Osta ◽  
Souheir Osta

Purpose Corporate social responsibility (CSR) has become an issue in the international banking industry, where each bank must assert its stakeholders, the social fabric and the natural environment. In the same time, legitimacy which has become one of the most critical issues for corporations, can be increased in the eyes of other stakeholders or institutions by structurally or procedurally adjusting to institutional influences. By conforming to three external institutional pressures (normative, mimetic and coercive), identified by DiMaggio and Powell (1983), organizations can build, support and gain legitimacy for their activities in specific institutional environments. Design/methodology/approach Using a qualitative approach, this research highlights the input of neo-institutional theory in the CSR context in top Lebanese banks in Lebanon. Findings This paper aims to analyze the impact of neo-institutionalism and the role of stakeholders in legitimizing CSR practices in the Lebanese banking sector. Practical implications Top Lebanese banks cannot simply comply with institutional pressures to gain their legitimacy, they need to develop their CSR activities targeted toward legitimacy-building at the local level; as for managers they cannot simply adopt managerial perspectives instrumentally to gain societal support, they need to adapt such perspectives and practices to the local needs as expressed by their internal and external stakeholders. Originality/value Managers of top Lebanese banks need to proactively engage in managing institutional pressures by adopting and adapting legitimacy-seeking strategies. This study highlights that top Lebanese banks differ in their CSR orientation because of their ownership structure, number of employees and profitability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 330-342
Author(s):  
Vitaly Viktorovich Goncharov ◽  
Marina R Zheltukhina ◽  
Irina G. Anikeeva

This article is devoted to a conceptual analysis of the impact of global constitutionalism as the dominant interpretation of the definition of social reality on the formation and development of social concepts in the Russian Federation. The object of research is the phenomenon of globalization on the socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic development of national societies and states highlighted in the social concept of global constitutionalism. The diversity of social concepts in Russia, although generally consistent with the Western interpretations of social reality, has a number of legal, ideological, political peculiarities. The formation of social concepts in Russia is greatly influenced by the Western dominant interpretation of social reality - global constitutionalism. And the attitude to the globalization of the socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic life of Russian society and the state is one of the signs by which it is possible to classify both modern Russian social concepts and political parties, movements, religious and public organizations at the federal, regional and local level.


Author(s):  
Byron L. Davis ◽  
Edward L. Kick

Local technological applications and their implications for human welfare depend not only on the most proximal environment, but also upon successively larger embedded social structures. In a world with a complex international division of labor, events in distant countries now intimately affect our nation, just as the states and cities where we live shape the social institutions in which we work, which in turn determine our daily quality of life. The national output, our indebtedness as a nation, the shift from federal to local responsibilities, over-bureaucratization, and the fast-paced technology of the mega-institutions where our livelihoods are made essentially impact the quality of our lives. We elaborate these themes in ensuing pages, working from the most macroscopic or global level to the most microscopic, or local, level of social organization. We tie our discussion to data on international, national, and state-level trends, and we explore a single, but representative local case, which documents the impact of these mega-forces on an educational institution.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Aderonke Majekodunmi

Local government creates an appropriate and conduciveenvironment for the people at the local level through efficient and effective service delivery. The value of localgovernment in a country is inestimable because it is an indispensable arm of government. As a result, the link between the qualities of service that citizens enjoy is very significant. The article examines local government and effective service delivery with special reference to Nigerianlocal governments. It notes that Local government is the closest government<br />to the people at the grassroots level,so it is expected to play significant  roles in providing the social services for the people in order to improve their standard of living. But in Nigeria, the impact of local government is so far limited, especially with regard to improving service delivery. The article observes that  despite the strategic importance of local government to the development process through effective service delivery, there has not been much development in most local governments in Nigeria. The article recommends that  local governments in Nigeria need adequate autonomy that can facilitate their operations and development of the localities through effective service delivery.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 647-663
Author(s):  
Joy Y. Zhang

How can we break away from a fixation on top-down power dynamics and track the impact of social movements in societies that do not easily fit with Western neoliberal theorisations? Building on Foucault’s insights on governance, this article proposes an analytical lens of the ‘biopolitics of existence’ to address this problem. The term existence refers not simply to the ‘corporeal’ needs of survival (be it of an individual or an organisation) but also to the freedom to (self-)develop and the ability to interact with others. By examining how the Good Food Movement has transformed the bios of ordinary people into agency and reshaped the governing ethos in China’s food system, this article demonstrates that to assess the gravity of social change is to first comprehend how actors calculated their action in a particular socio-political ecology. To speak of the politics of existence is to recognise that existence is simultaneously something to be defended and to be established. A ‘biopolitics of existence’ lens is instrumental in making visible social actors’ logic in (re)forming socio-political norms while keeping in sight the entanglement of different stakeholders.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-272
Author(s):  
Niamh Gaynor ◽  
Máirtín Cronin

Abstract One in five women has experienced gender-based violence (GBV) in Malawi and its incidence is reported to be increasing. The importance of cultural norms, practices, discourses and behaviours in both driving and addressing such violence is now well recognized. So too is the attendant need to involve men as well as women in community interventions to address this. In this context, this article draws on field research conducted in 2016 in two districts in Northern and Southern Malawi exploring the successes and challenges posed by community-based approaches (CBAs) to tackling GBV. We find that CBAs have yielded a number of successes – notably a reported reduction in GBV as communications between couples have improved and economic stresses within households reduced. However, we also find that these same CBAs have raised a number of challenges. These centre around resource distribution; the impact on local power dynamics; and CBA’s ability to challenge and interrogate dominant norms, ideologies, identities and practices. Overall, we argue that, while CBAs appear successful in transmitting the message to both women and men that GBV is unlawful and wrong, their impacts on the principal underlying causal factors remain weak.


1988 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 310-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorna McKee

The slow progress in providing community-based care for mentally ill people and thus closing large psychiatric institutions has been well researched and documented. The enquiries have typically sought to demonstrate the gap between national policy intent and reality and have highlighted the structural, financial and organisational barriers to achieving new forms of service provision. Equally, an important recent study has shown that there are marked intra-Britain differences in how the assumed unitary national policy is interpreted and implemented. There is general agreement that the present ‘statutory framework’ inhibits radical service change and, furthermore, that centralised planning, joint-working, joint-planning mechanisms are flawed and underpinned by a poorly formulated financial and manpower strategy. Some management ‘process’ factors have also been isolated such as the presence/absence of clear leadership and ‘committed local champions of change’. The issue of ‘interprofessional tensions’ has been only briefly alluded to, with even less recognition of how the other powerful organisational groups interrelate. Certainly, there has been little ethnographic detail of how these tensions between dominant groups are played out at a local level or indeed impinge on local decision-making and progress. More typically, existing accounts of the closure of the large institutions have had a structuralist bias, with more emphasis upon the impact of regional and national policy and on the machinery of collaboration than on internal politics or the effects of local power relations.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document