Effects of Identification with Governing Parties on Feelings of Political Efficacy and Trust

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 705-728 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
Barry J. Kay

AbstractThe authors tested predictions concerning the effects of respondents' identification with governing versus opposition political parties on feelings of political efficacy and trust, using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Dependent variables were political competence, perceived system responsiveness, and political trust, each measured federally and provincially. Respondents who supported the party in power scored significantly higher on perceived responsiveness and trust than those who supported opposition parties, although mainly at the provincial level. Whether respondents' preferred party was in power or not interacted with strength of party identification on the responsiveness and trust measures, both federally and provincially, as expected. Effects were much less pronounced for feelings of political competence. The authors suggest an interpretation to explain the weaker and inconsistent federal results. The article concludes with some observations concerning the relationship between partisanship, on the one hand, and efficacy and trust, on the other.

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Geurkink ◽  
Andrej Zaslove ◽  
Roderick Sluiter ◽  
Kristof Jacobs

Substantial scholarly attention has been devoted to explaining why voters support populist parties. Recently, a new concept has been introduced to gauge populism among voters and to explain voting for populist parties: populist attitudes. However, some researchers regard populist attitudes as simply another measurement of existing and established concepts such as political trust and external political efficacy. Using data from the Netherlands (2018), this article addresses the relationship between these concepts, both theoretically and empirically. This article examines whether political trust, external political efficacy, and populist attitudes tap into different latent dimensions. Using a confirmatory factor analysis, we show that populist attitudes are not old wine in new bottles and that they tap into different underlying attitudes than political trust and external political efficacy. Furthermore, we show that the three measures are not only different constructs but also relate differently to populist voting preferences.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Searing ◽  
Gerald Wright ◽  
George Rabinowitz

The ‘primacy principle’ comprises three assumptions about political orientations. The first is that they are learned during childhood. The second is that this childhood learning further shapes any subsequent modifications of them. The third is that the scale of any such subsequent modifications is small: fundamental political orientations tend to endure through life. We propose, using cohort analysis, to examine the extent to which three political orientations – party identification, political efficacy and political trust – do, as a matter of fact, endure through adulthood.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172092480
Author(s):  
Yingnan Joseph Zhou

Some view China as a deviant case to the modernization theory. This view is based on two observations. First, the Chinese middle class shows no distinct democratic orientations. Second, one’s trust in the Chinese Communist Party regime rises as he or she gets financially better off. However, the modernization theory by its nature is a societal-level theory, and it has not yet been tested at the societal level in China. This study undertakes this task by examining the relationship between a province’s economic development and its political trust in the central government and its tolerance of public criticism of the government. The two provincial-level variables are estimated by Multilevel Regression and Poststratification using data from China Survey 2008, CGSS 2010, 2012, 2013, and the 2010 National Census. The results, which are corroborated by county-level Multilevel Regression and Poststratification, strongly support the modernization theory.


1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
Barry J. Kay

AbstractWe report on findings from alternative ways of assessing the meaning given to “left” and “right” by respondents in the 1984 National Election Study. Approximately 40 per cent of the sample supplied definitions of the concepts; in comparison, about 60 per cent stated their feelings toward left-wingers and right-wingers and described their political orientations using a seven-point left/right rating scale. Left signified socialism or communism for about one-half of those who supplied definitions, and dislike for left-wingers seemed to be associated with these conceptions of left. Right, which was much more highly regarded than left, signified conservatism for one-quarter of those who defined the term. We also factor analyzed respondents' self-ratings on the left/right scale along with their answers to 15 attitude statements. Left was weakly associated with support for labour's use of the strike weapon. In a criterion group of respondents who had completed university and who had ventured definitions of left and right, self-ratings correlated with factors tapping attitudes toward the military and toward economic disparity and social welfare. As expected, respondents' ratings of themselves on the left/right scale were more similar to their ratings of their preferred parties than to their ratings of other parties. The relationship between self-ratings and ratings of preferred parties generally varied directly with the strength of party identification. We conclude with some observations about the political utility of political labels such as left and right.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 1407-1413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Stephen C. Craig ◽  
Franco Mattei

Political efficacy has been studied extensively since the 1950s, hut analysts have never been fully satisfied with its measurement. After considerable testing, four new questions tapping internal political efficacy were added to the 1988 National Election Study. Our investigation shows that inter-item correlations among these questions indicate high internal consistency, that by both exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis the items measure a single concept distinct from external efficacy and political trust, that the measurement model is robust across major subgroups, and that the overall scale is externally valid and provides a good distribution of efficacy scores across the population. Further, the results of an order experiment in the survey suggest that responses are unaffected by mode of presentation. In short, the four new questions constitute the most satisfactory measure of internal political efficacy to date.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soetkin Verhaegen ◽  
Marc Hooghe ◽  
Ellen Quintelier

In the literature, two approaches toward the development of a European identity can be distinguished. Society-based approaches assume that the most important foundation for the development of a European identity is trust toward other European citizens as this allows Europeans to identify with the European Union as a community of citizens and values. The institutional approach, on the other hand, assumes that a shared European identity is predominantly based on trust in political institutions. In this paper, we use the results of the IntUne Mass Survey 2009 (n=16,613 in 16 EU member states) to test the relationship between social and political trust on the one hand, and European identity on the other. The results suggest that trust in other European citizens is positively associated with European identity, but trust in the European political institutions has a stronger relation with European identity. This could imply that efforts to strengthen European identity cannot just rely on a bottom-up approach, but should also pay attention to the effectiveness and the visibility of the EU institutions and the way they are being perceived by European citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-254
Author(s):  
Eiríkur Búi Halldórsson ◽  
Eva Heiða Önnudóttir

This paper is about electoral participation in national elections in Iceland, where we analyze whether there has been a generational change in participation where younger cohorts are less likely to vote throughout their lives compared to young people before. We distinguish between age, period and cohort effect on electoral participation, using data from the Icelandic National Election Study and we find that the youngest generation today is less likely to vote compared to earlier younger generations. We discuss and analyze whether those changes can be explained by a change in political interest and party identification of younger voters. Our findings point to that the youngest generation today is just as interested in politics as young people was before and as older voters are. Political interest among younger voters has not changed and it motivates young and old people to vote in a similar way as before. We do find that party identification is today a weaker motivator for young people to vote than it was before. This, together with that political interest has not changed, could indicate that the youngest generation is more inclined to participate in politics by other ways than voting. However, it cannot be excluded that the change in voting patterns of the youngest generation is due to a delay in their maturation, meaning that today they are older when they start to take an active part in the society.


2006 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 103-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geert Driessen

Usage of Dutch regional languages and dialects is very much in decline in favour of usage of standard Dutch. This paper analyses the developments in usage in the period 1995-2003 using data from five measurement points of the national cohort study Primai y Education (PRIMA). A total of 35,000 pupils and their parents were involved in this study. In addition, this paper analyses the relationship between usage of regional languages and dialects on the one hand and a number of family demographical characteristics and the children's Dutch language proficiency on the other. The results show that it is imperative to treat the Netherlands not as a whole but to differentiate between language areas. In contrast to the other regional languages and dialects the future of Limburgish seems less gloomy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 690-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
Montaña Cámara ◽  
Ana Muñoz van den Eynde ◽  
José A. López Cerezo

Using data obtained from Spanish surveys on the public perception of science, this article presents a critical review of current practices of population profile segmentation, including the one-dimensional representation of perceived risks and benefits and of the systematic underestimation of critical attitudes to the social impact of science and technology. We use discriminant analysis to detect a somewhat hidden cluster in the Spanish population which we call ‘critical engagers’. These individuals are critically and socially responsible and are not reticent about expressing concern regarding scientific-technological change. While they hold an overall positive attitude towards change of this kind, they are at the same time well aware of the risks posed by particular fields of application. We highlight the academic interest and political value of these individuals, attributing to this population a mature and intelligent stance which may well be employed in enhancing the relationship between science and society.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karenleigh A. Overmann

Using data from the World Atlas of Language Structures and other sources, this study analyzed 905 languages for the presence of grammatical number (GN) and lexical numbers (LNs) to investigate what the distribution of these linguistic features might suggest about the relationship between language and numerosity, the perceptual system for quantity. Nearly 7% of the sample had LNs but lacked GN, and GN never occurred without LNs, implying that LNs may develop first and that GN is neither necessary nor sufficient for developing LNs, despite its role in helping children acquire number concepts when present as a feature of language. The geographic-temporal distribution of the two linguistic features additionally supported the idea that LNs may emerge prior to GN. Furthermore, the “one-two-three-many” structure of both LNs and GN, along with the failure of historic artificial intelligence modeling to converge on real-world number system solutions, suggested that numerosity may structure the expression of quantity in both linguistic domains. The role of the hand in numbers (the interaction of numerosity with cognitive processes such as finger gnosia, haptic perception, and neural reactions to tools) implies that LNs may originate in tactile engagement with material structures that may subsequently extend to nontactile domains, such as GN.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document