scholarly journals Repression Hurts: Coercive Government Responses and the Demise of Terrorist Campaigns

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula E. Daxecker ◽  
Michael L. Hess

The question of how coercive government policies affect the duration and outcome of terrorist campaigns has only recently started to attract scholarly interest. This article argues that the effect of repression on terrorist group dynamics is conditional on the country's regime type. Repression is expected to produce a backlash effect in democracies, subsequently lengthening the duration of terrorist organizations and lowering the probability of outcomes favourable to the government. In authoritarian regimes, however, coercive strategies are expected to deter groups’ engagement in terrorism, thus reducing the lifespan of terrorist groups and increasing the likelihood of government success. These hypotheses are examined using data on terrorist groups for the 1976–2006 period; support is found for these conjectures on terrorist group duration and outcomes.

Author(s):  
Peter White

Abstract How does the presence of military officers in national government affect a state's likelihood of international conflict? We know a great deal about how overall regime type affects international conflict, but there is substantial variation within regime types in the participation of military officers in the government. We know little about how this variation affects a state's conflict propensity. In this Research Note, I examine three competing arguments for the effect of military participation in government on conflict initiation: Military Aggression, Military Conservatism, and Civil–Military Competition. Military Aggression suggests that military involvement in government will tend to guide the state toward conflict, given a military predisposition to favor the use of force. In contrast, Military Conservatism argues that military officers in government will lead the state to less conflict, given their personal familiarity with its costs. Civil–Military Competition holds that when military officers and civilians share political power, a variety of pathologies in national security deliberation and decision-making emerge, increasing conflict propensity. I test these three propositions cross-nationally using data on the number and type of positions held by military officers in cabinets and state councils and international conflict and find the strongest support for Civil–Military Competition.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIVEKANANDA MUKHERJEE ◽  
GAUTAM GUPTA

Many terrorist organizations around the world seek shelter in forests and this paper tries to address the impact of this phenomenon on forest conservation. We construct a framework to measure the social loss when a terrorist lives in the forest and has full control over the forest resources. We also consider a game between the terrorists and the government when the government tries to combat them to recover the social loss. We characterize the equilibrium of the game in which the terrorist chooses the optimum rotation length of the forest and the government chooses the optimum combat-effort. We derive the impact of two popular policy measures such as strengthening the combat operations and restricting the sale of timber by the terrorist groups in the market, on forest conservation and find both to be negative.


Proceedings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Mary Beth Altier

Recent interest in terrorist risk assessment and rehabilitation reveals that the likelihood and risk factors for terrorist disengagement, re-engagement, and recidivism are poorly understood. In this presentation, I review related literature on criminal desistance, disaffiliation from new religious movements, commitment, and turnover in traditional work organizations, role exit, and the investment model to develop a series of theoretical starting points for gauging the likelihood and predictors of risk, which can help inform evaluation efforts. I then highlight key findings from the existing literature on terrorist disengagement and re-engagement/recidivism as well as key differences across samples and the methodological challenges associated with such research—mainly the absence of control groups, relatively small sample sizes, the need for a lengthy time horizon, and inconsistencies in what constitutes re-engagement and recidivism. Then, using data collected on 185 terrorist engagement events for 85 individuals representing over 70 unique terrorist groups, I present my and my colleagues’ findings on the drivers of terrorist disengagement and re-engagement. We find that terrorist disengagement is a lengthy process more commonly driven by “push” rather than “pull” factors, specifically disillusionment with the strategy or actions of the terrorist group, disillusionment with leaders or other members, disillusionment with one’s day-to-day tasks, burnout, difficulty living a clandestine lifestyle, difficulty coping with attacks, and psychological distress. Importantly, “de-radicalization” is only cited as playing a “large role” in just 16% of disengagement events in our sample. I then discuss how one’s role within a terrorist group offers insight into the disengagement process. Our research shows that leaders and violent operatives have a harder time disengaging than those in logistical or support roles because of the sunk costs associated with their involvement and/or the fewer opportunities available to them. We also find that individuals in certain roles are more/less likely to experience certain push/pull factors for disengagement. I conclude by discussing our research on terrorist re-engagement, which shows that in the short term, a deep commitment to the ideology, maintaining ties to individuals still involved in terrorism, and being young increase the likelihood one will return to terrorism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Muhammad Sahlan

Since Covid-19 broke out in Indonesia, the public has monitored various government policies in dealing with these health disasters. However, policies run slowly; it gives rise to diverse public opinion. These multiple opinions become a form of communication between the government and society. However, the government does not fully capture people’s views, so people feel they do not receive government policies’ feedback. The purpose of this research is to find out how the Indonesian government’s public communication is in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic. The research used a descriptive qualitative method using data during Covid-19. This study explains how the debate of government and community communication occurs in the form of public opinion. Various forms of public opinion from adverse to positive states become message instruments aimed at the government. This instrument then forms communication in the form of action as a sense of moral panic due to the absence of a back answer to the opinion expressed. So, these opinions are only as answers and realized by society in phenomena.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janina Beiser-McGrath ◽  
Nils W. Metternich

Why do authoritarian governments exclude ethnic groups if this jeopardizes their regime survival? We generalize existing arguments that attribute exclusion dynamics to ethnic coalition formation. We argue that a mutual commitment problem, between the ethnic ruling group and potential coalition members, leads to power-balanced ethnic coalitions. However, authoritarian regimes with institutions that mitigate credible commitment problems facilitate the formation of coalitions that are less balanced in power. We test our arguments with a k-adic conditional logit approach, using data on ethnic groups and their power status. We demonstrate that in autocracies, the ruling ethnic group is more likely to form and maintain coalitions that balance population sizes among all coalition members. Furthermore, we provide evidence that the extent to which balancing occurs is conditional on authoritarian regime type.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 355-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seden Akcinaroglu ◽  
Efe Tokdemir

Why does one terrorist group employ actions that win the hearts and minds of its constituency while another resorts to tactics that alienate their support? The paper investigates terrorist groups’ strategy of building reputation in their constituency/in-group population and non-constituency/out-group population. Studying all domestic terrorist groups between 1980 and 2011 with original data, we find that ethnic/religious groups and those with territorial control invest in positive reputation in their constituency as they can minimize the risks of returns. Radical groups and those with cross-border support, however, tend to build negative constituency reputation. While the former type of group has a small constituency, the latter ones can find resources across borders, which reduces their dependency on the constituency. Lastly, we find that terror groups seeking policy concessions avoid building a negative reputation in their non-constituency as this strategy enhances their chances of negotiating with the government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-190
Author(s):  
Ilham Zitri ◽  
Rifaid Rifaid ◽  
Yudhi Lestanata

The Village Fund is one of the government policies that is prioritized to finance the development and empowerment of the community, the implementation of which is prioritized by using self-managed resources / local raw materials, and strived by absorbing more local workforce. This study aims to determine the use of village funds used in accordance with the program, the results of the use of village funds and community involvement in the Village of Poto Tano, District of Poto Tano, West Sumbawa Regency. The research approach used is descriptive qualitative. Using data collection techniques through interviews with informants who are considered to have the potential to provide information about the use of the Village Fund in the development of Poto Tano Village, Poto Tano Subdistrict, West Sumbawa Regency, also through observation and documentation of the results of the utilization of the Village Fund. The results showed that the Utilization of Village Funds in Improving the Welfare of Poto Tano Village, Poto Tano Subdistrict, West Sumbawa Regency, Based on Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages could not be said to be effective. This can be proven by the number of Community Empowerment programs that are still far different from the number of Village Development programs that have been realized in accordance with the plan of the program set by the Village Government through the Musrenbangdes. Community involvement in the implementation of the use of village funds in Poto Tano Village also cannot be said to be good, where the community is still not fully included in the preparation up to the implementation of the programs that were set at the time of the Musrenbangdes. Keywords: Implementation, Village Funds, Public welfare.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (04) ◽  
pp. 245-250
Author(s):  
A. Speckhard

SummaryAs a terror tactic, suicide terrorism is one of the most lethal as it relies on a human being to deliver and detonate the device. Suicide terrorism is not confined to a single region or religion. On the contrary, it has a global appeal, and in countries such as Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan it has come to represent an almost daily reality as it has become the weapon of choice for some of the most dreaded terrorist organizations in the world, such as ISIS and al-Qaeda. Drawing on over two decades of extensive field research in five distinct world regions, specifically the Middle East, Western Europe, North America, Russia, and the Balkans, the author discusses the origins of modern day suicide terrorism, motivational factors behind suicide terrorism, its global migration, and its appeal to modern-day terrorist groups to embrace it as a tactic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Mourad Mansour ◽  
Alhassan G Mumuni

AbstractBeginning with the establishment of a Supreme Commission for Tourism and Antiquities’ (SCTA) in 2000, there have been official attempts by the government of Saudi Arabia to encourage domestic tourism in order to tap into the huge amounts that Saudis spend annually on vacations. This paper examines the motivations and attitudes of consumers toward tourism destinations and activities within the country (domestic tourism). Using data collected through a structured self-administered questionnaire, the study finds that familiarity and trust of the local environment, perceptions of the safer domestic environment, and limitations imposed by respondents’ vacation timing are the primary motives for choosing to spend their vacations locally, while lack of quality domestic tourist sites and services (including entertainment facilities), lack of tourism information, insufficient tourism organization services, and the harsh local environmental conditions during summer are factors that ‘push’ people from spending the vacations locally. Attitudes toward domestic tourism are generally negative, although there are significant differences in attitudes between respondents who prefer domestic destinations and those who prefer to travel out of Kingdom. Implications of the findings are outlined and discussed.


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