scholarly journals POLITICS AND MILITARY RULE IN CROMWELLIAN BRITAIN

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 545-554
Author(s):  
DAVID L. SMITH
Keyword(s):  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Four Books ◽  
Oliver Cromwell ◽  
The Will ◽  
Two Kingdoms ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The Cromwellian Protectorate. By Barry Coward. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7190-4317-4. £14.99.Cromwell's major generals: godly government during the English Revolution. By Christopher Durston. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001. Pp. x+260. ISBN 0-7190-6065-6. £15.99.John Lambert, parliamentary soldier and Cromwellian major-general, 1619–1684. By David Farr. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003. Pp. x+268. ISBN 1-84383-0043. £50.00.Oliver Cromwell, soldier: the military life of a revolutionary at war. By Alan Marshall. London: Brassey's, 2004. Pp. 320. ISBN 1-85753-343-7. £20.00.Arguably the closest that Britain has ever come to military rule was at certain times during the period from 1647 to 1660. English forces conquered Ireland and Scotland in 1649–50 and 1650–1 respectively, and the two kingdoms were then forcibly ‘settled’ and incorporated into an English commonwealth. In England, meanwhile, the army repeatedly intervened to purge or disperse parliaments: in 1647, 1648, 1653, 1654, and 1659 (twice). For about fifteen months, in 1655–7, England and Wales were governed by major-generals who exercised sweeping powers to enforce order, preserve security, and enforce a ‘reformation of manners’. All these developments raise profound questions about the nature of Cromwellian government in general, and the relationship between politics and military rule in particular. Austin Woolrych argued, some years ago, that the Cromwellian Protectorate was not a military dictatorship in any meaningful sense. He suggested that the regime possessed neither the will, nor the means, to impose military rule, that it generally respected the rule of law, and that the military presence in local government even during the time of the major-generals was limited. Yet the nature of the interaction between the military and the political – in shaping government, in influencing policies, and in forming the careers of Oliver Cromwell and other leading figures – remains complex and merits much fuller exploration. The four books under review address these and related themes from a range of different viewpoints.

A Special Intermittence and Continuity in Local History: The Chinese Diaspora and Their Hometown in Battlefield Quemoy during 1949-1960s

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiang Bo-wei
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Local History ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese Diaspora ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
Community Power ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract From 1949, Quemoy became the battlefront between the warring Nationalists and Communists as well as the frontline between Cold War nations. Under military rule, social and ideological control suppressed the community power of traditional clans and severed their connection with fellow countrymen living abroad. For 43 long years up until 1992, Quemoy was transformed from an open hometown of the Chinese diaspora into a closed battlefield and forbidden zone. During the war period, most of the Quemoy diasporic Chinese paid close attention to the state of their hometown including the security of their family members and property. In the early 1950s, they tried to keep themselves informed of the situation in Quemoy through any available medium and build up a new channel of remittances. Furthermore, as formal visits of the overseas Chinese were an important symbol of legitimacy for the KMT, Quemoy emigrants had been invited by the military authority to visit their hometown since 1950. This was in fact the only channel for the Chinese diaspora to go home. Using official files, newspapers and records of oral histories, this article analyzes the relationship between the Chinese diaspora and the battlefield, Quemoy, and takes a look at the interactions between family and clan members of the Chinese diaspora during 1949-1960s. It is a discussion of a special intermittence and continuity of local history.

The Historian’s Role, Public History, and the National Truth Commission in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Viz Quadrat
Keyword(s):  
Public History ◽  
Truth Commission ◽  
Final Report ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
National Reconciliation ◽  
Do So

AbstractIn 2011, twenty-six years after the end of the military dictatorship, the Brazilian government took the initiative of implementing the right to memory and to the truth, as well as promoting national reconciliation. A National Truth Commission was created aiming at examining and shedding light on serious human rights violations practiced by government agents from 1946 to 1985. It worked across the entire national territory for almost three years and established partnerships with governments of other countries in order to investigate and expose the international networks created by dictatorships for monitoring and persecuting political opponents across borders. This article analyzes the relationship between historians and the National Truth Commission in Brazil, in addition to the construction of dictatorship public history in the country. In order to do so, the Commission’s relationship with the national community of historians, the works carried out, as well as historians’ reactions towards its works, from its creation until its final report in 2014, will be examined.

The legacy of military dictatorship: Explaining violent crime in democracies

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Frantz
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Violent Crime ◽  
Statistical Tests ◽  
Crime Rates ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
The Military ◽  
Cross National

Violent crime rates have increased dramatically in many parts of the world in recent decades, with homicides now outpacing deaths due to interstate or civil wars. Considerable variations exist across democracies in their violent crime rates, however: different autocratic experiences help explain why this is the case. Democracies emerging from military rule have higher homicide rates because they typically inherit militarized police forces. This creates a dilemma after democratization: allowing the military to remain in the police leads to law enforcement personnel trained in defense rather than policing, but extricating it marginalizes individuals trained in the use of violence. The results of cross-national statistical tests are shown to be consistent with this argument.

Territorial Threats and Military Dictatorships

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nam Kyu Kim
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
External Threat ◽  
Military Institution ◽  
New Research ◽  
State Centralization ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Many scholars consider the military dictatorship a distinct authoritarian regime type, pointing to the singular patterns of domestic and international behaviors displayed by military regimes. Existing studies show that compared with civilian dictatorships, military dictatorships commit more human rights abuses, are more prone to civil war, and engage in more belligerent behaviors against other countries. Despite their coercive capacity, rulers of military dictatorships tend to have shorter tenures than rulers of non-military dictatorships. Additionally, military dictatorships more quickly and peacefully transition to democracy than their non-military counterparts and frequently negotiate their withdrawal from power. Given the distinct natures of military dictatorships, research on military dictatorships and coups has resurged since 2000. A great body of new research utilizing new theories, data, and methods has added to the existing scholarship on military rule and coups, which saw considerable growth in the 1970s. Most studies tend to focus on domestic issues and pay relatively little attention to the relationship between international factors and military rule. However, a growing body of studies investigates how international factors, such as economic globalization, international military assistance, reactions from the international community, and external threat environments, affect military rule. One particularly interesting research topics in this regard is the relationship between external territorial threats and military rule. Territorial issues are more salient to domestic societies than other issues, producing significant ramifications for domestic politics through militarization and state centralization. Militaries play a pivotal role in militarization and state centralization, both of which are by-products of external territorial threats. Thus, external territorial threats produce permissive structural conditions that not only prohibit democratization but also encourage military dictatorships to emerge and persist. Moreover, if territorial threats affect the presence of military dictatorships, they are more likely to affect collegial military rule, characterized by the rule of a military institution, rather than military strongman rule, characterized by the rule by a military personalist dictator. This is because territorial threats make the military more internally unified and cohesive, which helps the military rule as an institution. Existing studies provide a fair amount of empirical evidence consistent with this claim. External territorial threats are found to increase the likelihood of military regimes, particularly collegial military regimes, as well as the likelihood of military coups. The same is not true of non-territorial threats. This indicates that the type of external threat, rather than the mere presence of an external threat, matters.

scholarly journals REPRESSION AND RESISTANCE: the great press in Brasilia during the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985)

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Truth Commissions ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Descriptive Research ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.

Beyond Electoral Authoritarianism in Transitional Myanmar

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Farrelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
The Military ◽  
Transitional System

This article reassesses notions of ‘electoral authoritarianism’ as applied to the changed political terrain in Myanmar. It examines the various mechanisms through which the lingering influences of earlier political contestation are being integrated into transitional Myanmar’s public and social life. While the evolving Myanmar system is inevitably informed by the dictatorial experience there is a new effort to embrace counter-currents in the shift away from long-term military rule. The argument is that the transitional system mobilises key elements and personnel from the dictatorial period alongside growing opportunities for those who most actively opposed the military dictatorship, including in the pivotal 1988 period. The paradox of political culture under these arrangements means that the notion of a stable electorally authoritarian model needs careful reappraisal. Such stability has been replaced by an appreciation that incremental liberalisation and gradually increasing participation can help to change an entrenched political order. The efforts of the transitional government (2011 to 2015) to implement changes to the economy, the political system and the wider social situation have ensured that creeping reform has become the new norm in a post-authoritarian system where compromise had previously been hard to find.

scholarly journals “SOLDADOS NÃO CHORAM?”: REFLEXÕES SOBRE DIREITOS HUMANOS E VITIMIZAÇÃO POLICIAL MILITAR

Revista LEVS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fábio Gomes de FRANÇA ◽  
Anderson DUARTE
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
National Security ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Military Police ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Resumo: É discurso corrente afirmar-se que, com a abertura democrática as instituições policiais militares foram esquecidas quanto às possíveis mudanças capazes de adequá-las ao período democrático que se estabelecia e que atualmente vivemos. Para agravar o quadro, a violência disseminou-se em nosso país assumindo outras características diferenciadas do embate ideológico próprio da ditadura militar e da manutenção da “Doutrina de Segurança Nacional”, passando a atingir, também, os próprios policiais militares, vitimizando-os. Neste contexto, buscamos analisar neste artigo, por meio de uma pesquisa qualitativo-documental, a relação que se estabelece entre a garantia dos Direitos Humanos para os policiais militares e a vitimização destes últimos.  Para tanto, refletiremos sobre os principais fatores que vitimizam os policiais militares, bem como, a partir da análise da Portaria Interministerial nº 02, lançada pelo Governo Federal em 2010, analisaremos quais são as dificuldades que surgem para efetivar os Direitos Humanos dos policiais militares. Palavras-chave: Polícia militar; direitos humanos; vitimização.  Abstract: It is common discourse be said that with the democratic opening the military police institutions were forgotten about the possible changes able to adapt them into the democratic period that is established and currently we live. To aggravate the situation, the violence has spread in our country assuming other distinctive characteristics the military dictatorship ideological clashand maintaining the “National Security Doctrine” going to hit the military police themselves victimizing them too. In this context, we analyze in this article, through a qualitative and documentary research, the relationship established between the protection of human rights for the military policemen and victimization them. Therefore, we will reflect about themain factors that victimize the military policemen as well as through the analysis of the Interministerial Ordinance number 02, launched by the Federal Government in 2010, we analyze which are the difficulties that arise to effect the military policemen human rights.Keywords: Military police; human rights; victmization.

scholarly journals Folklore and Cultural Policy in Brazil During the Military Dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 315-333
Author(s):  
Ana Lorym Soares ◽  
Eduardo Henrique Barbosa de Vasconcelos
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
The Subject ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Cultural Sector ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyzes the relationship between political and intellectual action of a group of folklorists associated with the Brazilian Folkloric Movement, and the development and implementation of cultural policies within the context of the military dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s in Brazil. The article focuses on a comparative analysis of these policies based on documents from the military government as well as material created by folklorists, particularly material found in the Revista Brasileira de Folclore. The mobilization around folklore and its consequences in the field of cultural policy confirms the contemporary relevance of the subject in Brazil. The article concludes that although few scholars in the cultural sector currently identify as folklorists, and that the term folklore is often avoided, the legacy of the Brazilian Folkloric Movement is still very influential in contemporary government cultural policies.

Personalization and Institutional Constraints: Pinochet, the Military Junta, and the 1980 Constitution

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Barros
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Standard Account ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Personal Power ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Military

AbstractThe standard account of military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) portrays the case as a personalist regime, and uses the dynamics associated with this type of regime to explain General Pinochet's control of the presidency, the enactment of the 1980 Constitution, and the longevity of military rule. Drawing on records of the decisionmaking process within the military junta, this article presents evidence for a different characterization of the dictatorship. It shows that Pinochet never attained the supremacy commonly attributed to him, that the commanders of the other branches of the armed forces retained significant powers, and that the 1980 Constitution was not enacted to project Pinochet's personal power. More generally, this study suggests that personal power is not a necessary condition for regime longevity; collective systems can also produce cohesion and stability.

Barriers to Adaptability in a Multinational Team

2002 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda G. Pierce
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Cognitive Processes ◽  
Social Cognitive ◽  
Staff Members ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Planning Processes ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

The majority of current military missions require collaboration among multiple nations. For example, the military presence established in Bosnia-Herzegovina (B-H) following the end of their civil war included participants from over 38 nations. U.S. Army forces were assigned to the headquarters element and to Multinational Division North (MND(N)). We reviewed processes of the U.S. Army force commanding MND(N) to assess the degree to which army forces were being prepared to adapt their warfighting skills to conduct multinational peacekeeping missions. Barriers to adaptability were identified in their approach to deployment training and the organization of the military headquarters. U.S. forces were not trained to work with multinational partners and multinational staff members were not integrated into staff planning processes. Methods to improve team adaptability and a framework for considering the relationship among cultural, social cognitive processes and multinational teamwork are proposed.

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