Personalization and Institutional Constraints: Pinochet, the Military Junta, and the 1980 Constitution

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Barros
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Standard Account ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Personal Power ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Military

AbstractThe standard account of military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) portrays the case as a personalist regime, and uses the dynamics associated with this type of regime to explain General Pinochet's control of the presidency, the enactment of the 1980 Constitution, and the longevity of military rule. Drawing on records of the decisionmaking process within the military junta, this article presents evidence for a different characterization of the dictatorship. It shows that Pinochet never attained the supremacy commonly attributed to him, that the commanders of the other branches of the armed forces retained significant powers, and that the 1980 Constitution was not enacted to project Pinochet's personal power. More generally, this study suggests that personal power is not a necessary condition for regime longevity; collective systems can also produce cohesion and stability.

“With colleagues like that, who needs enemies?”:Doctors and Repression under Military and Post-Authoritarian Brazil

2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-505
Author(s):  
Eyal Weinberg
Keyword(s):  
Medical Education ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
State University ◽  
Medical Assistance ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Medical Board ◽  
Military Physician ◽  
The Military ◽  
Healing Arts

As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.

Variations among North African Military Regimes

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
North African ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Military

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.

The legacy of military dictatorship: Explaining violent crime in democracies

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Frantz
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Violent Crime ◽  
Statistical Tests ◽  
Crime Rates ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
The Military ◽  
Cross National

Violent crime rates have increased dramatically in many parts of the world in recent decades, with homicides now outpacing deaths due to interstate or civil wars. Considerable variations exist across democracies in their violent crime rates, however: different autocratic experiences help explain why this is the case. Democracies emerging from military rule have higher homicide rates because they typically inherit militarized police forces. This creates a dilemma after democratization: allowing the military to remain in the police leads to law enforcement personnel trained in defense rather than policing, but extricating it marginalizes individuals trained in the use of violence. The results of cross-national statistical tests are shown to be consistent with this argument.

The Armed Forces in Latin America: Potential for Changes in Political and Social Functions

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Kossok
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Number Of Publications ◽  
The Military ◽  
Coups D'etat

At the beginning of this study of military dictatorship and the political role of the intellectuals in Latin America, Florestan Fernandes (1970: 1) makes the following statement: “The idea that Latin America is a region in which the coups d'état are a political routine has become a commonplace.” Without doubt, such an opinion is justified and also explains—at least to a certain extent—the wealth of “routine” verdicts on the function of the military in Latin America. A contradiction, however, seems evident at this point: while the number of publications on the political and social position of the armed forces is rapidly increasing (McAlister, 1966; Rouquié, 1969), there is an evident lack of comprehensive analyses that go beyond detailed description, and which explain in a reliable and sound manner the phenomenon of the cyclically increasing militarization of politics. It cannot be overlooked that research on the role of the military in Latin America is in a really critical situation which calls for a reexamination of the facts according to new criteria.

scholarly journals Quo Vadis Myanmar?: Military Rule, the 2010 Election and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jatswan S. Sidhu
Keyword(s):  
Political Reform ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
National Convention ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
National League ◽  
Quo Vadis ◽  
Future Direction ◽  
The Military

Myanmar (or formerly Burma) has been ruled by the military (tatmadaw) since 1962 and although multiparty elections were held in 1990, the Myanmar military junta simply refused to accept the results and transfer power to the National League Democracy (NLD) that won with a landslide victory. Instead, the Myanmar military junta announced its own version of political reform through the introduction of a “disciplined democracy” and as such convened a National Convention for the purpose of drafting a new constitution for the country. The constitution was finally approved in 2008 through a referendum that was highly rigged. Based on provisions of the 2008 Constitution, the military junta held another round of multiparty elections on 7 November 2010. Taking stock of events since 1988 and in the light of recent developments, this paper therefore attempts to gauge the future direction of the country’s political landscape by interpreting and analyzing recent events. More importantly, it would attempt to show how much change can be expected in Myanmar especially when taking into account a flawed Constitution, a highly rigged elections and a new pseudo-civilian government. In other words, is there going to be real political change or are the elections a mere window dressing by the country’s military junta?  

scholarly journals Models of Modernization and geopolitical changes in Latin America

2016 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
István Szilágy
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Radical Transformation

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.

scholarly journals Igualdade de oportunidades nas Forças Armadas. O papel das políticas de integraçâo de género

2011 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Helena Carreiras
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Equality Of Opportunity ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Military Women ◽  
Gender Integration ◽  
Organizational Policies ◽  
Determining Factors ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

<p>Neste artigo discute-se o impacto de políticas organizacionais sobre a construção de igualdade de oportunidades e integração de género nas Forças Armadas. Após uma apresentação de dados empíricos que permitem a caracterização global dos factores condicionantes e da situação das mulheres militares nas democracias ocidentais, analisa-se o papel das políticas organizacionais na promoção da igualdade de oportunidades e integração de género nas Forças Armadas. Conclui-se que nem sempre políticas destinadas a promover a igualdade formal terão idênticos efeitos em termos de integração social, e que as políticas parecem ser condição necessária, mas não suficiente para assegurar maiores níveis de equidade entre sexos no universo militar.</p><p>In this article, the impact of the organizational policies on the construction of the equality of opportunity and integration of the gender in the Armed Forces is discussed. After a presentation of the empirical data that allow the global characterization of the determining factors and the situation of the military women in Western democracies, the paper of the organizational policies in the promotion of the equality of opportunity and gender integration in the Armed Forces is analyzed. The conclusion is that not always the policies destined to promote the formal equality will have identical effects in terms of social integration, and that the policies seem to be a necessary condition, but not enough to assure greater levels of equality between sexes in the military universe.<br /> </p>

The Jamaat of Allah's Friends: Maulana Allahyar's Reformist Movement and Sacralising the Space of the Armed Forces of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-193
Author(s):  
SAADIA SUMBAL
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Prisoner Of War ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Religious Context ◽  
Missionary Movement ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Town

AbstractThis article discusses a Sufi-inspired reformist movement that was set up in Chakrala (Pakistani Punjab) by Maulana Allahyar during the second half of the twentieth century. Attention is paid to the polemical religious context in which this movement arose, in part linked to the proselytising activities of local Shias and Ahmadis. Allahyar's preaching in the town created sectarian divisions within Chakrala's syncretic religious traditions. His reformist ideas also were articulated through a tablighi jamaat (missionary movement), which penetrated the armed forces of Pakistan during the military rule of Ayub Khan. Against this backdrop, the article also discusses the interface between Islam and the army, as this relationship played out in Indian prisoner-of-war camps holding captured Pakistani soldiers in the wake of the 1971 war, and so points to ways in which the mutual performance of mystical practices by Allahyar's Jamaat created a cohesive moral community.

scholarly journals The Search for an Exit from the Dictatorship and the Transformation of Greek Conservatism, 1967-1974

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Sotiris Rizas
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Related Factors ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Military ◽  
A Current

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of transformation of Greek conservatism that evolved during the dictatorship from a current identified with the restrictive practices of the post-Civil War political system to a tenet of the democratic regime established in 1974. The realization that the military coup was not just the manifestation of anti-communism, the dominant ideology of the post-Civil War period, but also of an anti-parliamentary spirit permeating the armed forces, the prolongation of military rule that led to the crystallization of differences between the military regime and the conservative political class and an apprehension that the dictatorship might fuel uncontrollable social and political polarization are three inter-related factors that explain this transformation.

scholarly journals Othering the minority: Comparative Study of Papua Ethnic in Indonesia and Rohingnya Ethnic In Myanmar During Military Rule

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya Anugrah
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
New Order ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Military

The paper examines the comparative study of subaltern between Papua in Indonesia’s New Order era and Rohingya in Myanmar during military rule. In Indonesia, the Papuan case is an example of how the centralistic military regime treats Papuan ethnic as an object and treats them as “the others” rather than considers them as a part of the “Indonesian entity” as the subject itself. Meanwhile, in Myanmar, Rohingya case is an example of how the centralistic military junta regime treats Rohingya ethnic as “the others” and considers them as foreigners in Myanmar. This paper found a significant difference between the treatment of the Indonesian military regime towards Papuan ethnic and the treatment of the Myanmar military junta regime towards Rohingya ethnic. In Indonesia, the military regime acknowledges Papuan as a citizen of Indonesia. However, the regime considers Papuan as the “different other” nonetheless. Their different race and ethnicity from Java and Malay ethnic as the majority ethnic are not the subjects of the cause, yet it is caused by Papuan traditional behavior which is regarded as “backward” as by the central regime. Meanwhile in Myanmar, since the enforcement of citizenship law in 1982, the military regime clearly does not acknowledge Rohingya from state citizenship because of their identities, such as religion and Rohingya's historical background.

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