scholarly journals COUNSELS OF PERFECTION AND REFORMATION POLITICAL THOUGHT

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-330
Author(s):  
SARAH MORTIMER

AbstractThe debate over counsels of perfection was a crucial aspect of the formation of political and ethical thought in the sixteenth century. It led both Protestants and Catholics to consider the status of law and to consider how far it obliged human beings, rather than simply permitting particular actions. From Luther onwards, Protestants came to see God's standards for human beings in absolute terms, rejecting any suggestion that there were good works which were merely counselled rather than commanded, and therefore not obligatory. This view of ethics underpinned the Protestant theological critique of Catholic doctrines of merit but it also shaped the distinctively Protestant account of natural law. It enabled Luther and his allies to defend magisterial control over the church, and it also formed a crucial element of Protestant resistance theory. By examining the Lutheran position on counsels, expressed in theological and political writings, and comparing it with contemporary Catholic accounts, this article offers a new perspective on Reformation theology and political thought.

2021 ◽  
pp. 268-272
Author(s):  
Sarah Mortimer

This chapter draws together the themes of the book and looks forward to the later-seventeenth century. It argues that for much of the sixteenth century politics was subordinate to religion; temporal authorities needed the additional sanctions provided by religious belief if they were to exert any power over the consciences of individuals. The effect was to entangle temporal power in the deepening conflicts over religious truth, and thus to reveal the brittleness of any conception of political authority which relied on the support of the Church. At the same time, older traditions of political thought did not go away and often became stronger. The circulation of classical ideas, the discovery of new peoples, the growing interest in historical change and development all suggested alternative ways of legitimizing political power, often using natural law and avoiding any reliance on specifically Christian commitments. What happened in the early-seventeenth century, and most obviously in the writing of Hugo Grotius, was a move not only to ground political society in a particular conception of human nature (conceived of juridically, as a source of rights and obligations) but also to detach Christianity from that view of human nature. It was this understanding of human beings which enabled the development of a social contract tradition through the seventeenth century and beyond, and became an important source for modern liberalism. The questions it raised would help to shape the thought of the next century.


Author(s):  
Randall C. Zachman

Karl Barth seeks to restore the Gospel to the centre of Protestant theology by orienting dogmatic theology to the witness of the prophetic and apostolic authors of Scripture and to the theology of the sixteenth-century Protestant Reformation. Barth especially endorses Luther’s claim that the proclamation of the living and free Word of God in Jesus Christ lies at the heart of the commission laid on the church, and that the task of theology is to test the truth of that proclamation. However, Barth becomes increasingly critical of Luther and Calvin when they distinguish God revealed in Jesus Christ from God in Godself and when they distinguish a Word of God in Scripture—be it a Word of the Creator or the Word as Law—that is distinct from the one Word of God, Jesus Christ. Barth also disagrees with Luther and Calvin regarding the sacraments, insisting at the end of his career that Jesus Christ is the one and only sacrament of God.


1953 ◽  
Vol 22 (65) ◽  
pp. 85-87
Author(s):  
T. Hudson-Williams

The Polish nation adopted Christianity in A.D. 966, but the new faith was very slow in reaching the people, as the services were all in Latin and the clergy were unacquainted with the language of the country. Even the elementary schools were conducted in Latin. The pupils sat in a hut on the bare earthen floor in summer and on bundles of straw in winter.Except in the institutions in which the instructors were immigrant Germans, where the instruction was given in German, Latin was the only language used in the schools of Poland. The Latin Psalter was the only book in the whole school; the pupils had no exercise books; but they managed to learn some grammar and arithmetic and sang the Latin songs used in the services of the Church. In these circumstances education could make but little progress. Before the end of the thirteenth century the higher clergy issued an edict forbidding the appointment of any person who did not know the Polish language, and enforced the decree with all the authority of the Church; but, as in other European countries, Latin was the official language of the Polish University. The Academy of Cracow was founded by Casimir the Great and raised to the status of a University in 1400, richly endowed by the young Queen Jadwiga, who at her death bequeathed to it all her jewels.In the sixteenth century the University attained great fame, and Germans, Czechs, Hungarians, and Swiss came in numbers to hear the lectures of the professors, especially the great astronomer Copernicus.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Karie Schultz

Abstract This article presents a significant reinterpretation of an essential text in Scottish (and British) political thought, Samuel Rutherford's Lex, Rex, by analyzing its relationship with Catholic scholasticism. While scholars have observed Rutherford's use of Catholic authors, there has been no sustained analysis of how Rutherford strategically applied this intellectual tradition to the religious and political context of the British civil wars. Ideas about human liberty, the law of nations, and popular sovereignty that were developed by Catholic scholastics in the School of Salamanca allowed Rutherford to defend limited monarchy and fulfill an ecclesiological purpose in seventeenth-century Britain. He, and the majority of his Covenanter contemporaries, believed in jure divino presbyterianism: scripture mandated that elders and synods, not bishops, should rule the church. To ensure a presbyterian settlement, Rutherford needed to disprove royalist absolutists who claimed that presbyterianism threatened absolute monarchy (the divinely ordained form of civil government) by limiting royal supremacy over the church. By building on Catholic scholastic political ideas, Rutherford was able to argue that human beings could change the form of civil government and that absolute monarchy was not required by God. Ironically, to make a civil state safe for presbyterianism, Rutherford resorted to Catholic scholastics rather than those of his own confessional tradition. This analysis urges reconsideration of not only the porosity of traditional confessional boundaries in early modern political thought but the respective positions of both Calvinism and Catholicism in shaping the political ideas underlying the British revolutions of the mid-seventeenth century.


1989 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Peterson

A striking feature of fifteenth-century historiography is the manner in which accounts of political thought in this period have tended to follow two basically distinct courses. One group of historians has pursued the avenue of humanist political theory, primarily in Florence, running from Coluccio Salutati and Leonardo Bruni at the beginning of the fifteenth century down to Machiavelli at its end, tracing the rise and decline of the republican ideal, or myth, in Florentine politics and from there into the mainstream of Western political theory. Another group has concerned itself with conciliar theory in the Church, pursuing its development through the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel to its demise in the early sixteenth century. These historians, too, have connected conciliar thought to the broader course of Europe's political development.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-496
Author(s):  
Zeenath Kausar

Conflict has been an inescapable phenomenon of Western society,particularly since the sixteenth century. If the era of the medieval West ischaracterized by the conflict between Pope and Emperor, which eventuallygave rise to modem nation-states, the postmodem era may rightly bedescribed as one of conflict between family and state.The postmodem conflict can be traced back to the oikos/polis conflictgenerated by Western political thought, which originated from Greekmisogyny. In the same way the church was overthrown in the conflict inthe medieval era, the family is being overthrown in the postmodern era bythe neo-Marxist radical school of postmodern feminism, which is alsocalled gender feminism.Quite contrary to gender feminists, contemporary Islamic revivalistsfind no conflict between the two institutions of family and state. They givedue recognition to both institutions and consider them as complementary toone another. This is quite observable in their views and activities in the areaof women’s issues, particularly that of women’s political participation.The aim of this paper is to examine the debate on women’s politicalparticipation between gender feminists and contemporary Islamic revivalists.The paper shall demonstrate how gender feminists prefer women’spolitical participation at the cost of deconstructing gender and family. Thecontemporary Islamic revivalists, however, support and encouragewomen’s political participation-but not at the expense of family and thedistinct identity of woman.The paper is divided into three parts. In the first and second parts, thearguments of gender feminists and contemporary Islamic revivalists onwomen’s political participation shall be analyzed. The third part shall identifyand discuss the differences between them. It is followed by a briefconclusion ...


Author(s):  
Giovanni Gellera

This chapter investigates the concept and theological use of philosophy in Scotland after John Mair. Until the 1570s, philosophy in Scotland was in the tradition of scholasticism. After the Reformation, Melville’s university reform changed the philosophical landscape. Across Europe, the first generation of the Reformers had taught that scholasticism and Aristotle were not necessary for the Christian faith, and philosophers and theologians alike had to rethink the traditional scholasticism of Catholic legacy. This intellectual change is traced here with a focus on the role, scope, and autonomy of philosophy with respect to theology. After the dismissal of Aristotelo-scholasticism, both scholasticism and Aristotelianism survived in the universities in new forms adapted to Reformation theology. Aristotle in particular, regarded as the personification of unassisted natural reason, retained his importance. The status of Aristotle is a good indicator of the prevailing concept of philosophy.


1994 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Orme

At the beginning of Langland's poemPiers Plowman, the narrator, having glimpsed the field of folk and the two castles, meets a lady with a beautiful face, clothed in linen. When he fails to recognise her, she gently chides him. ‘I am Holy Church; you ought to know me. I received you at the first and taught you faith. You brought me pledges to fulfil my bidding and to love me loyally while your life lasts.’ In these few words, Langland affirms the importance of childhood as inaugurating the relationship between human beings and the Church. Every child becomes a member of the Church by baptism soon after birth. The Church teaches its faith to the child, and the child is committed by its godparents to carry out the Church's requirements in a loving way. This view of childhood is a limited one. It centres on the outset of life—birth and baptism – not on the following fifteen years or so, and it does not perceive the status of children in the Church to differ in principle from that of adults, who also received teaching and owed commitments. Nowhere in his work has Langland much to say about children and in this respect he is typical of most medieval writers. Little was written about the work of the Church with children or the involvement of children in Church, despite the extent to which children – actually or potentially – made up the membership of Christendom.


2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-31
Author(s):  
Reinier Leushuis

The anonymous thirteenth-century poem La Châtelaine de Vergy, a courtly love story that ends in bloodshed after its central secret is divulged, was adapted as the 70th novella in Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron (published 1558–1559). Matteo Bandello’s Italian adaptation of this version of the story (in his posthumously published Quarta parte delle novelle [1573]) introduces an important change by specifying that the lovers are now clandestinely married; this detail is retained in an anonymous French translation of Bandello’s reworking, which appeared in one of the volumes of the popular Histoires tragiques. While critics have been puzzled at this apparent narrative flaw (marriage needs no secrecy), this essay argues that the shift is intentional by considering it in light of the problem of clandestine marriages and post-Tridentine matrimonial reform. While Marguerite’s novella already recasts the Châtelaine de Vergy story in matrimonial terms, Bandello further exploits its drama of speech, in which tragic events are triggered through speaking and divulging secrets, to question the Church tradition of contracting matrimony merely by the partners’ spoken words. A number of textual ambiguities in the French translation reveal furthermore that the story has subsequently been re-interpreted from a new perspective on betrothal as a non-binding spoken promise that gained ground during the Counter-Reformation. The textual transformations introduced into these three versions, moreover, are examined in the context of the development of the “histoire tragique” as a literary genre during the second half of the sixteenth century. This study thus identifies a correlation between the characteristics of the “histoire tragique” and matrimony’s socio-historical dynamics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 292-320
Author(s):  
Isaiah Berlin

Berlin discerns three great crises in Western political thought, each challenging one of its three primary tenets. The three tenets are (1) that questions about correct human actions are answerable, whether the answers are yet known or not; (2) that the answers to those questions, insofar as they are true, cannot contradict each other; and (3) that human beings have a distinctive character, which is essentially social. Each of these tenets has been attacked, the first by the German Romantics of the late eighteenth century, the second by Machiavelli in sixteenth-century Florence, and the third by the Epicureans and Stoics in the late fourth-century BCE. Berlin’s extended examination of this third case demonstrates both how firmly established was the idea that human beings found meaning only in relation to others in the polis and how great and sudden was the transition toward focus on the individual fostered by the Cynics, Epicureans, and Stoics. The suddenness and irruptive nature of this transition cannot be satisfactorily understood as a reflection of political changes alone, but its deeper roots are obscured by the dominance of Plato, Aristotle, and others who subscribed to the polis-centered point of view and regarded possible precursors of the transition as their philosophical opponents.


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