General Assembly

1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-495

The second part of the third session of the General Assembly met at Lake Success from April 5 to May 18, 1949. Herbert V. Evatt of Australia continued to serve as president and Charles Malik (Lebanon) as chairman of the social, humanitarian and cultural committee. Fernand van Langenhove (Belgium) was elected chairman of the political and security committee to replace Paul-Henri Spaak (Belgium) who resigned, and George Ignatieff (Canada) was elected chairman of the administrative and budgetary committee to replace Dana Wilgress (Canada) who resigned.

2017 ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Nicolás Fleet

ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.


2019 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Jason Beckfield

This concluding chapter summarizes the book’s main findings, details the limitations of the research, and elaborates the implications of the argument for the social science of stratification, as well as for the political questions of where Europe goes from here. It begins with an analysis of the recent recession through the lens of unequal Europe. It then evaluates three counterfactual scenarios. The first is Global Europe: what if Europe globalized instead of regionalized? The second is Economic Europe: what if Europe integrated economically without integrating politically? The third is Social Europe: what if the technocratic capitalist turn had failed to dominate European-level policy and jurisprudence in the 1980s?


Author(s):  
Williamson Myra

This chapter analyses the context and legality of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, also referred to as the First Lebanon War and ‘Operation Peace for Galilee’. It began on 6 June 1982 and became an 18-year-long occupation, ending on 22 May 2000. The first section discusses the immediate pretext for Israel’s invasion—the attempted assassination in London of the Israeli Ambassador to Britain, Schlomo Argov, by Abu Nidal terrorists—as well as the more complex causes, such as the political animosity between Israel, Lebanon, Syria and the PLO. Section two analyses the positions of the main antagonists—Israel, Lebanon and the PLO—as well as other interested parties (the US, the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly). The third section addresses the legality of Israel’s use of force, citing the arguments of scholars on both sides of the debate. Finally, the chapter assesses the precedential value of this use of force, in light of the Security Council’s refusal to accept that the attempted assassination was an ‘armed attack’ and its condemnation of the Israeli aggression.


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-290

On April 5, 1949, the second part of the third session of the General Assembly opened at Lake Success. Items which were to be considered at the session included the disposition of Italian colonies, Israeli admission to the United Nations, the problem of voting in the Security Council, treatment of Indians in the Union of South Africa, creation of a United Nations guard, and violation by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of fundamental human rights. Reports of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, the question of Franco Spain, promotion of international cooperation in the political field, refugees and displaced persons, freedom of information, discrimination against immigrant labor, Indonesia, religious freedom in Bulgaria and Hungary, and adoption of Russian and Chinese as working languages were also to be discussed.


Author(s):  
Abraham G. van der Vyver

In 2000 the General Assembly of the United Nations accepted their Millennium Declaration. Two of their main foci are the eradication of poverty and the economic upliftment of disadvantaged societies. In Thailand, three initiatives contributed to the eradication of poverty. The “One Tambon, One Product” (OTOP) that was launched in 2001 has as its mission to stimulate the economy by creating small economic hubs in each subdistrict (Tambon). The OTOP initiative grew exponentially and a total of 85,173 products have been registered by 2010. The growing network of telecentres helped to close the digital divide. It also anchored many of the OTOP projects. In the third instance, the social networks redefined the business environment and created new communication platforms to promote entrepreneurial hubs. The researcher combined field studies with content analysis of the social media in order to establish to what extent these drivers of poverty eradication have been integrated.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro

This article critically assesses the ideology of industrialism in light of Ivan Illich's Medical Nemesis. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section is a description of the main features of that ideology, the most prevalent and influential one used in sociological literature to explain the state both of Western societies and of our health services. Also in this section, it is shown how these features appear in Illich's analysis of our societies, of our health services, and of the different clinical, social, and structural iatrogeneses that health services create. The second section examines the assumptions underlying Illich's analysis and discusses their validity to explain the nature and function of our Western health services and their iatrogenic effects. Where Illich's explanations are considered invalid, alternative explanations are presented. Among them, it is postulated that it is not industrialism, but the assumedly transcended category of capitalism that is the cause of the social and structural iatrogeneses. The third section discusses the political implications of Illich's analysis, in a moment when our Western societies are supposedly in crisis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Ala'a Mohammad Al-Smadi

This study aims at investigating the WhatsApp statuses as used by Jordanian people from a sociolinguistic point of view. It attempts to examine the use of the WhatsApp statuses in relation to the impact of gender and age on the topic being used. To achieve this goal, 400 statuses were collected from Jordanian males and females who are divided into two main age groups: the first one consists of participants whose age is above 30 years old, and the second group whose participants are under 30 years old. Then, the data were analyzed quantitatively and categorized based on the main following topics; religious, social, political, economic and fixed statuses. The results show that gender and age have essential impacts on the statuses being used. For example, the religious statuses are the most frequently used topic by Jordanian females whereas the social statuses are the most frequently used topic by Jordanian males. However, the political and economic statuses are the least frequent statuses used among Jordanian. Moreover, the results show that the most frequently used topic among males who are above 30 years old is the fixed statuses suggested by the mobile itself whereas the most frequently used topic among males who are under 30 years old is the social topic. On the other hand, the impact of age among females is clearly manifested in the use of the fixed statuses suggested by the mobile itself. For instance, the females who are above 30 years old use the fixed statuses more dramatic than the females who are under 30 years old. Also, the fixed statuses are the second frequently used topic by the females who are above 30 years old whereas they are the third frequently used topic by females who are under 30 years old.


Why History? ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 191-245
Author(s):  
Donald Bloxham

In the nineteenth century the general trend was away from grand comparative stadial theories and towards particularist accounts. The dominant historical rationale of the age was History as Identity, specifically national Identity. The first section of this chapter addresses the political context of so much historical thought across the Continent, with the French Revolution and its aftershocks prominent. The second section focuses on the main trends of the influential German historiography. At the same time, there were challenges to the prevailing German model of historiography even in its heyday: challenges in the 1860s are examined in the third section. Given the grand fluctuations in German political fortunes in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the accompanying turmoil in historical philosophy, Germany also features quite heavily in most of the remaining sections of the chapter. Here we examine how the particularizing, relativizing, tendency of a brand of historical thought turned in upon itself from around 1870, as some of the certainties of the nation-through-history were undermined by the effects of modernization and world conflict, and the social function of the historian became the subject of renewed debate. One upshot was a series of manifestos for scholarly neutrality, and a proceduralist emphasis on History as Methodology alone. As the German model of national History was weakened in the first half of the twentieth century, more space was created for competing methodologies within Germany too. The final section of this chapter considers some of those new alternatives.


1952 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75

The fifth session of the General Assembly was officially adjourned at Paris on November 5, 1951 after a Soviet draft resolution to refer the question of Chinese representation to the sixth session had been rejected by a vote of 11 in favor to 20 opposed with 11 abstentions. On November 6, 1951 the sixth regular session of the Assembly opened and, following remarks by the President of France (Auriol), elected as its President Padillo Nervo of Mexico. Representatives of China, France, Iraq, Soviet Union, United Kingdom, United States and Yugoslavia were elected vice-presidents of the session and Prince Wan Waithay-akon (Thailand), Mrs. Ana Figueroa (Chile), Max Henríquez Ureña (Dominican Republic), T. A. Stone (Canada), Manfred Lachs (Poland) were elected chairmen of the Political and Security Committee, the Economic and Financial Committee, the Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee, the Trusteeship Committee, the Administrative and Budgetary Committee and the Legal Committee respectively. In addition, the session established an Ad Hoc Political Committee, to which it elected Selim Sarper (Turkey) as chairman, and a joint second and third committee.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110446
Author(s):  
Andrea Lanza

The aim of this article is to question the nature of the socio-anthropological approach in Lefort’s thought. The author explores the complex relationship between Lefort and the Durkheimian French school of sociology in four stages: in the first, he shows Lefort as a sociologist ‘worthy of its name’ or, in other words, a sociologist interested in questioning the ‘institution of the social’. In the second, he focuses on the disturbing elements that Lefort introduces: the political and the division into the French sociological approach. In the third stage, he focuses his attention on the sociological approach in Lefort’s way of thinking about democratic society. Finally, he concludes by referring to Lefort’s apparent opposition between philosophy and social sciences – and the errors that this may have engendered – in order to demonstrate the continuity of Lefort’s sociological approach.


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