scholarly journals The Independent Labour Party and Foreign Politics 1918–1923

1962 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Robert E. Dowse
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Major Part ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
Socialist Society ◽  
Class Membership ◽  
National Network ◽  
Foreign Politics

The Independent Labour Party, which was founded in 1893 had, before the 1914–18 war, played a major part within the Labour Party to which it was an affiliated socialist society. It was the largest of the affiliated socialist societies with a pre-eminently working-class membership and leadership. Because the Labour Party did not form an individual members section until 1918, the I.L.P. was one of the means by which it was possible to become an individual member of the Labour Party. But the I.L.P. was also extremely important within the Labour Party in other ways. It was the I.L.P. which supplied the leadership – MacDonald, Hardie and Snowden – of both the Labour Party and the Parliamentary Labour Party. It was the I.L.P., with its national network of branches, which carried through a long-term propaganda programme to the British electorate. Finally, it was the I.L.P. which gave most thought to policy and deeply affected the policy of the Labour Party.

The Americanization of the European Left

2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton J. Esman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Socialist Society ◽  
Social Democratic

In The Debate That Continues To Rage Over The Question Of American exceptionalism, two facts are historically well established that have distinguished the United States from European countries: the United States failed to develop and to institutionalize an electorally viable social democratic or labour party that represents the interests of its unionized working class and aspires to achieve a socialist society; and the United States has lagged behind its European counterparts in building the institutions of a comprehensive welfare state.

Attitudes, Issues, and Labour Party Decline in England, 1974-1979

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN McALLISTER ◽  
ANTHONY MUGHAN
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Support Groups ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political History ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Natural Support ◽  
Party Decline

This article critically examines the argument that the Labour party's poor performance in the 1979 general election reflects a long-term decline that is largely the result of its own natural support groups, Labour identifiers and the working class, developing political attitudes that serve increasingly to estrange them from the party's traditional principles. This argument further holds that issues emerged in the 1979 campaign that, deriving from these same principles, compounded the tendency for Labour supporters to defect at the polls. We argue that these findings are conceptually and methodologically flawed and that the evidence does not, in fact, support this explanation of Labour party decline. We conclude, instead, that what the evidence does suggest is that Labour suffered from a widespread voter “backlash” as a result of having been in office during a particularly difficult period in British social, economic, and political history.

The Working Class and the Poverty of Electoral Strategy

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-198
Author(s):  
Bob Carter
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Executive Director ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Jeremy Corbyn

The defeat of the Labour Party in the 2019 general election was widely seen as a rebuttal of the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn but it has also raised the question of the nature and direction of the party and whether fundamental social changes have undermined its long-term electability. A concentration on the changing structure and orientation of the working class of Britain, and the implications for political parties, is the focus of a book by former executive director of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF), Claire Ainsley, appointed in 2020 as the chief policy adviser to the new leader of the Labour Party, Sir Keir Starmer. The book’s rationale is that a new working class, lacking political and workplace representation, is being forged, distinct from the working class that preceded it. However, Ainsley’s empiricist approach hinders a coherent analysis of class, which as a result is confused and confusing. Moreover, her analysis lacks any appreciation of the structure of power within which values and opinions are created. Her analysis clearly underpins the shift in policies espoused by Starmer - a move to the ‘centre’ of politics, decency, fairness, family, and patriotism - but gives no indication that it can address the anger and alienation of the working class and its disenchantment with its treatment by Labour.

The origins of the Catholic Social Guild in Scotland: ‘We have not attacked the Socialists professedly’

2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr Potocki
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Socialist Society ◽  
The West ◽  
Main Activity ◽  
Social Message ◽  
Scholarly Attention ◽  
The Catholic Church

The activities of John Wheatley's Catholic Socialist Society have been analysed in terms of liberating Catholics from clerical dictation in political matters. Yet, beyond the much-discussed clerical backlash against Wheatley, there has been little scholarly attention paid to a more constructive response offered by progressive elements within the Catholic Church. The discussion that follows explores the development of the Catholic social movement from 1906, when the Catholic Socialist Society was formed, up until 1918 when the Catholic Social Guild, an organisation founded by the English Jesuit Charles Plater, had firmly established its local presence in the west of Scotland. This organisation played an important role in the realignment of Catholic politics in this period, and its main activity was the dissemination of the Church's social message among the working-class laity. The Scottish Catholic Church, meanwhile, thanks in large part to Archbishop John Aloysius Maguire of Glasgow, became more amenable to social reform and democracy.

scholarly journals Calibration of Transition Intensities for a Multistate Model: Application to Long-Term Care

Risks ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Manuel L. Esquível ◽  
Gracinda R. Guerreiro ◽  
Matilde C. Oliveira ◽  
Pedro Corte Real
Keyword(s):  
Markov Chain ◽  
Continuous Time ◽  
Long Term Care ◽  
Transition Probabilities ◽  
Markov Chain Model ◽  
Chain Model ◽  
Chain Process ◽  
Term Care ◽  
National Network

We consider a non-homogeneous continuous time Markov chain model for Long-Term Care with five states: the autonomous state, three dependent states of light, moderate and severe dependence levels and the death state. For a general approach, we allow for non null intensities for all the returns from higher dependence levels to all lesser dependencies in the multi-state model. Using data from the 2015 Portuguese National Network of Continuous Care database, as the main research contribution of this paper, we propose a method to calibrate transition intensities with the one step transition probabilities estimated from data. This allows us to use non-homogeneous continuous time Markov chains for modeling Long-Term Care. We solve numerically the Kolmogorov forward differential equations in order to obtain continuous time transition probabilities. We assess the quality of the calibration using the Portuguese life expectancies. Based on reasonable monthly costs for each dependence state we compute, by Monte Carlo simulation, trajectories of the Markov chain process and derive relevant information for model validation and premium calculation.

scholarly journals PLURALISM, THE PEOPLE, AND TIME IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY, 1931–1964

2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 729-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEREMY NUTTALL
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
Multiple Time ◽  
The People ◽  
Negative Perceptions ◽  
Slow Moving ◽  
Progressive Potential ◽  
Time Frames ◽  
Pluralist Approach

ABSTRACTObserving the increasing, yet still partial exploration of pluralism, complexity and multiplicity in recent Labour party historiography, this article pursues a pluralist approach to Labour on two central, related themes of its middle-century evolution. First, it probes the plurality of Labour's different conceptions of time, specifically how it lived with the ambiguity of simultaneously viewing social progress as both immediate and rapidly achievable, yet also long term and strewn with constraints. This co-existence of multiple time-frames highlights the party's uncertainty and ideological multi-dimensionality, especially in its focus both on relatively rapid economic or structural transformation, and on much more slow-moving cultural, ethical, and educational change. It also complicates neat characterizations of particular phases in the party's history, challenging straightforwardly declinist views of the post-1945–51 period. Secondly, time connects to Labour's view of the people. Whilst historians have debated between positive and negative perceptions of the people, here the plural, split mind of Labour about the progressive potential of the citizenry is stressed, one closely intertwined with its multiple outlook on how long socialism would take. Contrasts are also suggested between the time-frames and expectations under which Labour and the Conservatives operated.

scholarly journals The English City Riots of 2011, ‘Broken Britain’ and the Retreat into the Present

2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Flint ◽  
Ryan Powell
Keyword(s):  
Social Science ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Behaviour ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Moral Panics ◽  
Urban Condition ◽  
Norbert Elias ◽  
Urban Disorder

The responses to the English city riots of 2011 bear a remarkable resemblance to those of historical urban disorders in terms of the way in which they are framed by concerns over “moral decline”, “social malaise” and a “lack of self-restraint” among certain sections of the population. In this paper we draw on the work of Norbert Elias and take a long-term perspective in exploring historical precedents and parallels relating to urban disorder and anti-social behaviour. We reject the notion of “Broken Britain” and argue that a more “detached” perspective is necessary in order to appreciate that perceived crises of civilisation are ubiquitous to the urban condition. Through this historical analysis, framed by Elias’ theory of involvement and detachment, we present three key arguments. Firstly, that a ‘retreat into the present’ is evident among both policy discourse and social science in responding to contemporary urban disorder, giving rise to ahistorical accounts and the romanticisation of previous eras; secondly, that particular moral panics have always arisen, specifically focused upon young and working class populations and urban disorder; and, thirdly, that previous techniques of governance to control these populations were often far more similar to contemporary mechanisms than many commentaries suggest. We conclude by advocating a long-term, detached perspective in discerning historical precedents and their direct linkages to the present; and in identifying what is particular about today's concerns and responses relating to urban disorder.

scholarly journals Valgt av og blant samer – og enkelte andre? Ulike velgergruppers holdninger til kriteriene for å delta ved sametingsvalg i Norge

2021 ◽  
pp. 41-66
Author(s):  
Torunn Pettersen ◽  
Jo Saglie
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Competence ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Ethnic Background ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Electoral Roll ◽  
Party Differences ◽  
Registered Voters ◽  
Registered Voter

Self-determination for Indigenous peoples requires boundaries between those who are entitled to take part in the processes of self-determination and those who are not. In Norway, the registration criteria of the Sámi Parliament’s electoral roll constitute such boundaries. These criteria have not caused as much conflict in Norway as in other Nordic countries with Sámi Parliaments, but some debate has taken place. Some have argued for wider criteria, to allow certain groups without a Sámi ethnic background to register, while others prefer more narrow criteria to ensure that the registered voters have sufficient Sámi roots and cultural competence. In this chapter, we analyse attitudes towards the registration criteria within the registered Sámi electorate. The 2013 and 2017 voter surveys show essentially the same picture. About two-thirds were satisfied with the current criteria on both occasions. Among those who wanted a change, the majority were for expansion rather than limitation. Marriage to a registered voter and long-term connection to a Sámi community received the most support among the potential extension criteria. Attitudes became slightly more restrictive from 2013 to 2017, but the changes were larger within certain groups. In 2013, the question of expansion was to some extent party polarized. By 2017, these party differences had decreased: Labour Party voters had moved towards the more restrictive NSR voters. Also, some differences in attitudes to limitation appeared in 2017, when those who wanted stricter criteria were found primarily among those who had high scores on various measures of ties to the Sámi community.

Discipline and Nurture: Living in a girls’ madrasa, living in community

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 411-450
Author(s):  
USHA SANYAL ◽  
SUMBUL FARAH
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
North India ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Comprehensive Picture ◽  
Class Status ◽  
Potential Impact

AbstractThis article presents an ethnography of a contemporary residential madrasa for teenage Muslim girls in a North Indian town undertaken by a team of two researchers. We focused on different aspects of the overall study, with Sanyal conducting participant observation within the madrasa and Farah interviewing a select number of graduates and former students in their home environments. The result is a comprehensive picture of the madrasa's transformative role in the socio-religious lives of its students, which highlights the importance of the connections between the madrasa and the home.Of significance are the religious and denominational orientation of the madrasa—Barelwi Sunni Muslim—as well as the working-class status of the girls and their parents’ low level of education. With limited resources, the madrasa inculcates in the students, and by extension their neighbourhoods and wider communities, a new awareness of religious duties and mutual obligations, and gives its students confidence and a voice within both their families and communities. The long-term potential impact of madrasas such as this one appears to be significant in contemporary North India.

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