scholarly journals Remembering Slavery in Urban Cape Town: Emancipation or Continuity?

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (S28) ◽  
pp. 197-223
Author(s):  
Samuel North

AbstractThis article examines how slavery has been remembered in the urban space of Cape Town over time. It explores how individuals and groups have commemorated the history of slavery from the late nineteenth century onwards. It outlines how memory of slavery faded as the number of people with direct experience of enslavement decreased, with burgeoning racial segregation influencing the way that the past was viewed. It then examines how post-1994 democracy in South Africa has once again changed approaches to history. Colonial-era abuses such as slavery have not always been readily remembered in an urban space where their legacies are visible, and this article examines the interplay of politics and identity at the heart of public memorialization of these contested pasts.

Author(s):  
Nurit Yaari

This chapter examines the lack of continuous tradition of the art of the theatre in the history of Jewish culture. Theatre as art and institution was forbidden for Jews during most of their history, and although there were plays written in different times and places during the past centuries, no tradition of theatre evolved in Jewish culture until the middle of the nineteenth century. In view of this absence, the author discusses the genesis of Jewish theatre in Eastern Europe and in Eretz-Yisrael (The Land of Israel) since the late nineteenth century, encouraged by the Jewish Enlightenment movement, the emergence of Jewish nationalism, and the rebirth of Hebrew as a language of everyday life. Finally, the chapter traces the development of parallel strands of theatre that preceded the Israeli theatre and shadowed the emergence of the political infrastructure of the future State of Israel.


2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (6) ◽  
pp. 1840-1874 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAHIR KAMRAN

AbstractDuring the late nineteenth-century colonial era in India, theKhatam-e-Nubuwwat(Finality of the Prophethood) assumed remarkable salience as a theme for religious debate among Muslim sects. The controversies around the establishment of the Ahmadiya sect in 1889 brought the issue ofKhatam-e-Nubuwwatto the centre stage of religious polemic ormunazara.Tense relations continued between Ahmadiya and Sunnis, in particular, though the tension remained confined to the domain of religious polemic. However, immediately after Pakistan's creation, theKhatam-e-Nubuwwatsqueezed itself out of the epistemic confines of the ‘theological’ and entered the realm of the ‘political’.Majlis-Tahafuz-i-Khatam-e-Nubuwwat(the Association for the Safety of the Finality of the Prophethood) grew out of the almost-defunctMajlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islamon 13 January 1949, with the principal objective of excluding the Ahmadiya sect from the Islamic fold.1This article seeks to reveal how theKhatam-e-Nubuwwathas impinged upon the course of Pakistani politics from 1949 onwards as an instrument of religious exclusion, peaking in 1953. The pre-history of religious exclusion, which had 1889 as a watershed—the year when the Ahmadiya sect took a definitive shape—thus forms the initial part of the article.


1969 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Richard C. Howard

Many of us who have studied the modern history of China first learned of the late nineteenth-century reform movement in texts with chapters or sections entitled, “The Hundred Days of Reform,” or “The Reform Movement of 1898.” In such works our attention was directed to that group of politically inexperienced idealists who sought to impose upon a recalcitrant bureaucracy and apathetic populace a series of reforms designed to rescue the empire from impending dismemberment at the hands of foreign powers. The main emphasis of these standard accounts was upon the events of 1898 and their significance in China's political history. During the past twenty years, however, scholarly interest in the reformers has shifted from a preoccupation with their activities in 1898 to a more general consideration of their intellectual antecedents and the ideological content of their reform programs. Studies along these lines have placed the events of 1898 in a broader historical perspective—as the climax of a movement that was more than a decade in the making. This recent trend in scholarship is reflected in the four papers of this symposium. Separately and collectively, these papers confirm what earlier studies have suggested, that the reformers' objectives in 1898 can best be understood in the context of an intellectual movement that assumed its distinctive characteristics during the decade of the 1890's.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-107
Author(s):  
Halil Ibrahim Yenigün

This book is primarily a history of the early Kurdish movement, from itsinception in the late nineteenth century to the 1930s. Yet, its distinctivenesscomes not from the Kurdish nationalists’ more publicized products, but fromits focus on the margins of their literary attempts. This study of failed nationalism“is concerned less with how and why Kurdish nationalism did or didnot ‘catch on’ than with the efforts made by [the] Kurdish elite to constructa viable concept of Kurdish identity” (p. 1). In other words, the author’smain concern is to identify how images of the Kurds were constructed andrepresented, and how they evolved, over time, until the late 1930s.The book is divided into three parts, each of which corresponds to a differentperiod that delineates differing self-images of the Kurds. Each part,in turn, consists of six to eight chapters that provide an account of both keyevents in the Kurdish movement’s history and literary works. Part 1,“‘Awakening’ the Kurds,” deals with the movement’s background contextand early period by discussing its leaders, several publications, and organizations.In this period, the Kurds’ self-definition was predominantly negative,and obstacles to modernization abounded: tribal structures, a nomadicway of life, illiteracy, ignorance, and wildness.Yet the Turks were never the “inimical other,” except for such people asthe Ottoman sultan Abdulhamid and “a long line of Ottoman despots.” Theyhad a long list of prescriptions to awaken and literally “remake” the Kurds sothat they could be accepted by the nations of the civilized world. When theWilsonian principles granted their right to self-determination without this culturalleap, some Kurds wanted a Kurdish state. However, the vast majoritymourned for the Treaty of Sevrés along with their Turkish brethren, despitethe fact that its articles established Kurdistan. This chapter also describes howmost Kurds joined forces with the Kemalists to drive out the occupiers, onlyto be frustrated by the Kemalists’ subsequent assimilation projects ...


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-126
Author(s):  
CHAD WELLMON

Over the past two decades, long-running debates about the purposes and practices of humanistic inquiry have been refocused as a debate about the uncertain fate of the humanities in a digital age. Now, with the advent of digital and computational humanities, scholars are discussing with a new urgency what the humanities are for and what it means to practice them. And many suggest that the surfeit of digital data is unprecedented and are calling for new methods, practices, and epistemologies. This article considers these claims in light of a longer history of what Lorraine Daston has called “practices of compendia”––practices of collecting, collating, and interpreting massive amounts of data. It focuses, in particular, on the late nineteenth-century German historian Theodor Mommsen and the range of projects he initiated and led as secretary of the Prussian Academy of Sciences. Mommsen invented the “big humanities” and what his contemporaries termed the “industrial” model of scholarship, a model that helped create a new, modern scholarly persona and a distinctly modern ethics of knowledge.


Author(s):  
Adam Goodman

This chapter reviews the history of the deportation machine, dating back to the late-nineteenth century when Congress gave the federal government exclusive authority over immigration. It summarizes how Democratic and Republican politicians and private third parties have contributed to the growth of the deportation machine through implementation of punitive policies and budget with an equivalent of hundreds of billions of dollars into enforcement efforts that have resulted in tens of millions of expulsions. It assesses the deportation machine's mechanisms that have largely remained the same over time and have functioned in unison, though at different levels at distinct moments. The chapter looks into persistent political economic realities, racial prejudices,and cultural concerns that have been a driving force behind anti-immigrant sentiment and restrictive measures. It also describes economic crises and wars that often led to rising xenophobia and dramatic spikes in deportations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Jerven

A wealth of new data have been unearthed in recent years on African economic growth, wages, living standards, and taxes. In The Wealth and Poverty of African States, Morten Jerven shows how these findings transform our understanding of African economic development. He focuses on the central themes and questions that these state records can answer, tracing how African states evolved over time and the historical footprint they have left behind. By connecting the history of the colonial and postcolonial periods, he reveals an aggregate pattern of long-run growth from the late nineteenth century into the 1970s, giving way to widespread failure and decline in the 1980s, and then followed by two decades of expansion since the late 1990s. The result is a new framework for understanding the causes of poverty and wealth and the trajectories of economic growth and state development in Africa across the twentieth century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Hochschild

Abstract The author surveys three times and places where the public history of certain events has changed radically over time. The mass killings and arrests of the Stalinist Soviet Union were deliberately ignored for decades afterwards, then drew intense attention in the Gorbachev years. The end of British Empire slavery was for a century or more ascribed to British virtue and generosity; today we pay far more attention to the role of slave revolts. And Belgium officially ignored the murderous slave labor regime King Leopold II imposed on the Congo in the late nineteenth century until the last decade or so.


PMLA ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 125 (2) ◽  
pp. 370-373
Author(s):  
Laura Doan

Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick was not a historian of sexuality, but she was keenly aware of the historicity of sexuality and erotic desire in ways unlike other major figures in queer theory. This fact has gone largely unnoticed in queer studies, a field dominated by literary and cultural critics that has an uneasy relation with academic history. An example of the historicity of Sedgwick's theories of sexuality can be seen in her famous critique of Foucault's Great Paradigm Shift—that imaginary moment in the late nineteenth century when the category of the modern homosexual was thought to displace the category of the sodomite (Epistemology 44). The formulation of axiom 5 in Epistemology of the Closet—“the historical search for a Great Paradigm Shift may obscure the present conditions of sexual identity” (44)—reveals a deep consciousness of the “irreducible historicity of all things … discerning the time-and-place specificity of a thing, identifying the ways in which it relates to its context or milieu, and determining the extent to which it is both enabled and hamstrung by this relationship,” to cite the historian Hayden White's description of history as critique (224). If Foucauldian genealogy (or a “history of the present”) “begins with an analysis of blind spots in our current understanding, or with a problematization of what passes for ‘given’ in contemporary thought” (Halperin 13), it is vital, as Sedgwick puts it, to “denaturalize the present, rather than the past” (Epistemology 48). Sedgwick's vantage point on a queer past pivots around “homosexuality as we conceive of it today” (45), a phrase as resonant now in sexuality studies as was Foucault's reference to the homosexual as a species (Foucault 43). So entrenched are the modern categories of identity that Sedgwick repeats the phrase over and over in her cogent analysis of our current conceptions of sexuality. Such insistent differentiation between an alien past and an equally—if not more—alien present, the distinction between “them” and “us,” reverberates across the history of homosexuality. Consider, for instance, Matt Houlbrook's discussion of men who refrain from using “‘gay’ in the way we would use the term today” (xiii) or Jonathan Ned Katz's understanding of the presentness of our present standpoint—“what we today recognize as erotic feelings and acts” (6).


2020 ◽  
pp. 009614422094880
Author(s):  
Egemen Yılgür

A teneke mahalle, mostly consisting of shacks constructed of collected waste materials, is a late Ottoman and early Republican phenomenon that parallels its global counterparts such as the Corralones in Peru or the Indian slums. Although occasionally mentioned in the pioneer studies, the long history of the teneke mahalles has been overlooked until recent times, and in the mainstream discussions on urban poverty, these neighborhoods have almost wholly been invisible. However, informal settlements came to the agenda of the state and society, right after the massive eviction in 1883 of the refugees of the War of 1877-1878 from the free temporary settlements. They created teneke mahalles, and over time, the local poor also adopted their creative solution for cheap and relatively safe housing. Drawing on both archival and oral records, the author establishes the actual presence of the category and traces the development of the idiom in the late nineteenth century.


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