Some Origins of Nationalism in East Africa

1968 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Lonsdale
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
National Movements ◽  
New Type ◽  
First Time ◽  
Official Recognition

This paper attempts to provide a frame of reference for evaluating the role of ordinary rural Africans in national movements, in the belief that scholarly preoccupation with élites will only partially illumine the mainsprings of nationalism. Kenya has been taken as the main field of enquiry, with contrasts and comparisons drawn from Uganda and Tanganyika. The processes of social change are discussed with a view to establishing that by the end of the colonial period one can talk of peasants rather than tribesmen in some of the more progressive areas. This change entailed a decline in the leadership functions of tribal chiefs who were also the official agents of colonial rule, but did not necessarily mean the firm establishment of a new type of rural leadership. The central part of the paper is taken up with an account of the competition between these older and newer leaderships, for official recognition rather than a mass following. A popular following was one of the conditions for such recognition, but neither really achieved this prior to 1945 except in Kikuyuland, and there the newer leaders did not want official recognition. After 1945 the newer leadership, comprising especially traders and officials of marketing co-operatives, seems everywhere to have won a properly representative position, due mainly to the enforced agrarian changes which brought the peasant face to face with the central government, perhaps for the first time. This confrontation, together with the experience of failure in earlier and more local political activity, resulted in a national revolution coalescing from below, co-ordinated rather than instigated by the educated élite.

scholarly journals JEJAK VOC-KOLONIAL BELANDA DI PULAU BURU (ABAD 17-20 M)

AMERTA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syahruddin Mansyur
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Archaeological Remains ◽  
Archaeological Data ◽  
New City ◽  
Trade Route ◽  
Early Indication

Abstrak. Salah satu wilayah yang mendapat pengaruh kolonial di Kepulauan Maluku adalah PulauBuru, ditandai dengan pendirian sebuah benteng pertahanan sebagai salah satu pos pengawasan jalurperdagangan. Manifestasi jejak pengaruh kolonial ini merupakan indikasi awal peran wilayah PulauBuru dalam konteks historiografi masa kolonial. Dalam konteks ini pula, diperoleh gambaran tentangkronologi dan pola okupasi masa kolonial di Pulau Buru. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini difokuskanpada data arkeologi dan data sejarah, sehingga metode analisis deskriptif dan metode analogi sejarahdigunakan untuk menjawab permasalahan penelitian. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa bentuktinggalan arkeologi yang masih dapat diamati di wilayah penelitian berupa: benteng, bekas bangunangereja, meriam, rumah pejabat Belanda, kantor pemerintahan, bekas dermaga, mata uang Belanda, dantempayan. Berdasarkan hal itu, dapat diketahui bahwa peran Pulau Buru pada awal okupasi kolonialberkaitan dengan kebijakan monopoli cengkih di Kepulauan Maluku. Demikian pula tentang polaokupasi kolonial, dimana pada periode penguasaan kolonial di Pulau Buru mengalami perkembangandari Kayeli sebagai pusat pemerintahan awal. Akhirnya pada awal abad ke-20, karena pertimbanganlingkungan maka pemerintah Belanda memindahkan pusat pemerintahan ke lokasi yang memilikikondisi lingkungan yang lebih baik, yaitu Namlea. Rentang kronologi di kota baru inipun berlangsungsangat singkat yaitu sekitar 40 tahun. Abstract. Traces of The Dutch Colonial (VOC) on The Buru Island (17-20 Centuries). One of the areas that gets the colonial influence on Buru Island Maluku Islands are characterized bythe establishment of a fortress as one of observation post on the trade route in Maluku Islands.Manifestations of traces of colonial occupation pattern is an early indication of the role of the islandof Buru in the context of colonial historiography. In this context, it is important to trace the materialculture of the colonial period to determine the role of this region in order to obtain an overviewof the chronology and pattern of colonial occupation on the island of Buru. Therefore, this studyfocused on archaeological data and historical data, so that the descriptive analytical method and ofhistorical analogies methods are used to answer the research problem. The results showed that theshape of archaeological remains which can still be observed in the study area: the fort, the formerchurch building, the cannon, the house of Dutch officials, government offices, the former dock, theDutch currency, and jars. Based on that, it can be seen that the role of Buru Island in the earlycolonial occupation was related to the clove monopoly policy in the Maluku Islands. Similarly, on thepattern of colonial occupation, which in the period of colonial rule on the island of Buru have evolvedfrom early Kayeli as the central government. Finally, in the early 20th Century, due to environmentalconsiderations the Dutch government moved the seat of government to a location that has a betterenvironmental conditions, that is Namlea. The range of chronology in the new city is also very short,which is about 40 years.

Regional Dependence and Rural Development in Central India: The Pivotal Role of Migrant Labour

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Crispin N. Bates
Keyword(s):  
Rural Development ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Central India ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Development Plans ◽  
The Government ◽  
Comprehensive Study

The problem of regional underdevelopment, particularly in tribal India, has long been recognized and more than one political party has campaigned on this issue. The Indian constitution and state and central government development plans have included special clauses aimed at assisting those groups, the tribals or adivasis, who are most affected by the problem. Reports have been commissioned and investigations conducted, but rarely have these ended in constructive or relevant action. The work of anthropologists over a number of generations since the 1920s has perhaps done most to tell us of the real depth of the problem as it has affected central India. Foremost amongst them was W. V. Grigson, the aboriginal tribes enquiry officer of the government of the Central Provinces and Berar, whose 1944 report stands as the most comprehensive study available of the condition of the tribal peoples of this region at the end of the colonial period.

scholarly journals Non-financial corporations in Lebanon: Who governs? “The governance myopia”

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mireille Chidiac El Hajj ◽  
Richard Abou Moussa ◽  
Maha Akiki ◽  
Anthony Sassine
Keyword(s):  
Capital Market ◽  
Stock Exchange ◽  
Board Members ◽  
Exchange Market ◽  
Quality Of Information ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Governance Practices ◽  
First Time

The purpose of this paper is to study governance practices in non-financial enterprises in Lebanon, and it is the first time that such enterprises are studied in the Lebanese context. Only three non-financial institutions are listed in the Beirut Stock Exchange (BSE), which constitute the whole population of this research. Built on Principles, Governance is based on transparency and on accurate, relevant, and timely information in order to support the Board members’ decision-making (OECD, 2015). Balanced between Jensen and Meckling’s (1976) agency theory and Donaldson and Davis’ (1991) Stewardship theory, the results of our Qualitative study showed that the main problems faced by the enterprises are not in the quality of information but rather in its selection and filtering, which opens doors to “Governance Myopia”. Face-to-face interviews showed that the primary conflict in our case is between the non-financial enterprises and the BSE, since the BSE is controlled by the enterprises and is not controlling them. The main reason of such practices come from the fear of the BSE of losing a potential position in the MENA Exchange Market, doubled with the fear of losing potential investors. All these reasons weigh heavily on the Administrators of the BSE in Lebanon, forcing them to choose the “Laisser passer” way. Referring to the soft Law when dealing with the companies, the BSE is playing the double role of a marketer and a controller, thus not willing to impose restrictions. A need for “harder laws”, for “Privatization” of the BSE, and a call to the Capital Market Authority (CMA) to put more restrictions on Corporations should be observed.

scholarly journals UNIVERSITY INSTRUCTORS’ REFLECTIONS ON THEIR FIRST ONLINE TEACHING EXPERIENCES

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dianne Conrad
Keyword(s):  
Social Presence ◽  
Online Teaching ◽  
Graduate Program ◽  
Teaching Experience ◽  
Teaching Online ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
University Instructors ◽  
First Time ◽  
Depth Interviews

Moving from traditional face-to-face teaching to teaching online can be a precarious process for instructors. In this qualitative study, I interviewed instructors who were engaged in online teaching, for the first time, in a graduate program at a Canadian university. All instructors had some postsecondary face-to-face teaching experience. In-depth interviews with the instructors showed that they had very little knowledge of the new medium they were entering and relied heavily on their face-to-face experiences and their own pedagogy. Instructors’ reflections on their performances centered largely on their roles as deliverers of content. They revealed very little awareness of issues of collaborative learning, of learners’ social presence, or of the role of community in online learning environments.

Arena or Temple?

2020 ◽  
pp. 150-203
Author(s):  
Mark Seymour
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sacred Spaces ◽  
New Type ◽  
Murder Trial ◽  
New Nation ◽  
Emotional Style ◽  
First Time

States anxious to wrest power from religious authorities viewed their courts of law as quasi-sacred spaces, often characterizing them as a form of ‘temple’ to signal the reverential emotional style required within. Foregrounding the emotional overlap between religious and legal spaces, this chapter portrays Rome’s Court of Assizes during the Fadda murder trial as both secular temple and emotional arena with great symbolic value for Liberal Italy. The argument is contextualized against analysis of the symbolic role of law at crucial stages in the development of other states, particularly England and France. After unification, Italian courts were opened to the public, in some cases for the first time. The civic audience in legal hearings, especially in criminal cases, was a fundamental tenet of Italy’s liberal ideology. The chapter analyses public participation in the Fadda trial against the background of a state’s need to engage its citizens in spaces and rituals that were unmistakably identified with the nation. The Fadda trial’s fascination both helped and hindered the state’s cause, drawing great crowds but provoking emotions that threatened to blur the line between dignified court and popular arena. The trial lasted a month and dominated the nation’s newspapers, drawing Italians from all over the peninsula into the drama in Rome. Ultimately the event was an opportunity to establish the contours of a new type of social space, a new emotional arena, for a new nation.

scholarly journals The Belorussian Factor in the Genesis of the Modern Lithuanian State, 1915-1917

2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Edmundas Gimžauskas
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
First Time ◽  
First World

The paper is devoted to a relatively recently researched subject – the relations between the Lithuanians and the Belorussians and the role of the latter in the genesis of the Lithuanian state in the early twentieth century. At the start of the First World War in the German-occupied regions there was a chance to re-establish the Republic of the Two Nations for the first time after 1795. However, that was not the German intention. Initially they supported only the illusion of the re-establishment of Lithuanian statehood in the lands of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In this policy there was also some space for the rudiments of the political activity of Lithuanian and Belorussian intellectuals. Since the beginning of the ‘Los von Russland’ Campaign of 1916 it is possible to trace certain open efforts to obtain Lithuanian and Belorussian statehood. In the Lithuanian political struggle formulas of historical and ethnic statehood were applied taking into consideration the practical political manoeuvres of the warring countries. After the declaration of Polish statehood on 5 November 1916 the ethnic model became more important. In the east an ethnic Lithuanian state was to coincide with the historic ‘Lithuania Proper’. That was a basis for more or less constructive relations with the Belorussians, who also preferred to adhere to the historical formula. After the February Revolution, when the Belorussians started requiring the historical statehood of the whole of the GDL, contacts were broken, and they were renewed in the autumn of 1917 after the election of the Lithuanian Council (Taryba).

Indian Migrants in Brunei: The Role of Social Networks

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
AKM Ahsan Ullah ◽  
Hajah Masliyana Binti Haji Nayan
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Chain Migration ◽  
Migration Networks ◽  
Indian Immigrants ◽  
The Social ◽  
Migration Mechanism

Indian immigrants have emerged as a dominant community in Brunei nowadays. Since the colonial period, there has been an influx of Indian migrants to Brunei. This research investigates the social networks that Indians used to get to Brunei. Evidently, there has been little research on these group of people in Brunei. This study employs a sample of 17 low, semi, and unskilled Indian migrants chosen on snow-ball basis. Face-to-face interviews were conducted. According to the findings of this study, social networks played a significant role in making the decision to migrate over to Brunei. We found that chain migration mechanism has been active in the India-Brunei migration domain since long. As a risk diversification approach, migration networks act as a web of interpersonal connections that connect migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants in their origin and destination countries via relationships of kinship, friendship, and common community origin.

The Geneva Convention of 1906

1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
George B. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Geneva Convention ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Half Century ◽  
Military Commander ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time ◽  
Liberal Thought

The members of the congress of Vienna who, for the most part, directed the international politics of Europe for the first half of the nineteenth century, have never been accounted as exponents of liberal thought, or as the advocates of liberal policies. But it must be said in behalf of their narrow and, at times, reactionary statesmanship, that it kept the peace in western Europe during the period intervening between the battle of Waterloo, which terminated the military and political activity of the first Napoleon, and the appearance of his nephew in the rôle of a military commander in the Italian campaign of 1859. For the first time in recorded history it was given to the harassed inhabitants of the Rhine provinces to see a full half century of peace, and to enjoy so much as fifty years of fortunate and uninterrupted immunity from the hardships and sacrifices of war.

The tyranny of strangers: transformative occupations old and new

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-218
Author(s):  
Matthew Craven
Keyword(s):  
Colonial Rule ◽  
British Occupation ◽  
The Us ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Law ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Abstract In the aftermath of the US led invasion of Iraq in 2003, considerable attention was given to the apparent emergence of a new type of belligerent occupation—the ‘transformative occupation’ which apparently challenged the traditional assumptions of the law of occupation. The suggestion here is that, as an examination of the British occupation of Mesopotamia between 1914-1924 reveals, the ‘transformative occupation’ is by no means a new institution, but is one that may be associated with a tradition of thought and practice in which the institution of belligerent occupationwas made congruent with the operational rationalities of colonial rule by re-imagining it as a form of sacred trust. The legacy of that history, it is contended, is critical for understanding the role of occupation law today.

Politics and Society in Viet-Nam during the Early Nguyen Period (1802–62)

1974 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. B. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Previous History ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Examination System ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Standard Work ◽  
Vietnamese History ◽  
Western Scholar ◽  
Asian History ◽  
First Time

Professor A. B. Woodside's recent study of Vietnamese government and society in the first half of the nineteenth century is likely to become immediately a standard work for the teaching of South-East Asian history, as well as a point of departure for further research. It is the first attempt by a Western scholar to analyse the institutional developments of a period in which Viêt-Nam attained its greatest measure of “Confucianization” and also its greatest territorial extent as a unified country. The “Đại-Nam” of the later years of Minh-Mang (1820–41) included not only the whole of present-day Viêt-Nam, united for the first time in 1802, but also (after 1836) a large part of Cambodia as well as a portion of eastern Laos. The institutional changes of his reign included the reinvigoration of the examination system, the creation of new organs of central government, and a thorough overhaul of the machinery of provincial administration. In terms of its own previous history, it was by no means a weak or declining Viêt-Nam which found itself face to face with European power in the 1850's and 1860's. By offering a study of government and society in this period, Professor Woodside has gone some of the way towards filling a major gap in Western-language literature on Vietnamese history.

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