Violence, Ideology and Counterrevolution: Landowners and Agrarian Reform in Cautín Province, Chile, 1967–73

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Carter

AbstractThe article analyses social and political conflict in Chile during the agrarian reform period of the 1960s and 1970s through a case study of the province of Cautín, in the indigenous heartlands of the south. Using a combination of written and oral sources, it analyses the responses and strategies of landowners descended from nineteenth-century settlers to the emancipatory projects carried out during the presidencies of Eduardo Frei and Salvador Allende. In the context of an increasingly radicalised agrarian reform programme and a growing number of territorial conflicts with the Mapuche communities, this little-studied political actor developed a collective identity, an ideological discourse and a readiness to use violence which provides important insights into the causes of the military coup carried out in 1973.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-221
Author(s):  
Malika Sh. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova

This is the first paper in Russian historiography dedicated to the struggle of left and right groups in the Turkish army on the eve of a military coup on March 12, 1971. By 1970, an alliance of leftist intellectuals and officers was formed, led by the editor of the Devrim newspaper, Dogan Avjioglu and one of the organizers of the 1960 coup, a retired lieutenant general Jemal Madanoglu, received the conditional name of the organization of national revolutionaries. The members of the organization sought to approve the socialist system of the bassist type in the country and outlined the number of military coups March 9, 1971. However, the death of one and the opportunist position of two other leaders of the military wing led to the failure of the attempt of a leftist coup. On the contrary, on March 12, 1971, a right-wing military coup took place in Turkey. In the course of subsequent repressions, a powerful blow was dealt to the left groups in the army and in Turkish society as a whole. In an effort to end the repression and achieve consensus in society, moderately leftist forces led by B. Ejevit entered into a coalition with their opponents religious conservatives led by N. Erbakan.


Author(s):  
Başak Çalı

This chapter analyzes the origins and the development of human rights organizations in Turkey since 1945. It first offers an overview of the limited number of elite organizations established between 1946 and 1974 and the initial skepticism toward human rights activism in the country in the 1960s and 1970s among grass-roots political movements. It then discusses the importance of two major events, the military coup in 1980 and the start of the armed conflict between the Turkish security forces and the PKK in 1984, for the development of human rights–based activism in the 1980s. The chapter then turns to the 1990s, characterized by the proliferation of human rights organizations and diversification of focus areas, ranging from LGBT rights to the rights of women to manifest their religion by wearing headscarves. It links these dynamics to the global rise of human rights activism in the 1990s and the subsequent appropriation of the human rights lexicon by a wide range of domestic social movements. The chapter moves forward with a discussion of the further proliferation of human rights organizations well into the 2000s as Turkey’s EU membership process boosted democratization and pluralism. The chapter ends with an assessment of the impact of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’s authoritarian turn on the transformative power and horizons of human rights organizations in the 2010s.


Author(s):  
Mark Rice

Advances in jet travel ushered in Cusco’s first tourism boom in the 1960s and 1970s. However, a series of agrarian revolts and the collapse of Cusco’s traditional economic base threatened to unravel tourism. Increasingly, Cusco looked to the national state to use tourism as a source of economic development, especially after the 1968 military coup led by the left-leaning General Juan Velasco Alvarado. Working with transnational institutions like UNESCO and employing Machu Picchu as a populist symbol, the military sought to use cultural tourism with ongoing agrarian reform to remake Cusco’s regional society. Contrary to the military’s goals, these efforts ultimately failed. Plans to construct a modernist hotel at Machu Picchu provoked fights between development and preservation interests. In addition, the unexpected arrival of counter-cultural travellers shocked locals. Finally, the highly-technical strategies employed by the military and UNESCO only served to displace local control over tourism in favor of bureaucratic interests in Lima.


Author(s):  
Matt Eisenbrandt

This chapter provides an overview of the recent history of El Salvador, with a focus on the importance of coffee as a crop that built fortunes for a small group of families. The wealth concentrated in the hands of oligarchs led to massive economic inequality throughout the twentieth century, and an uprising in the 1930s was put down in such a brutal manner that it stifled opposition for decades and came to be known as the Matanza. This chapter chronicles U.S. government support for anti-Communism and counterinsurgency efforts that created the death squads in El Salvador, continued military repression amid growing cries for reform in the 1960s and 1970s, the rise of insurgent groups targeting the oligarchs, and the bloody response of the military and death squads. After a reformist military coup in 1979, Roberto D’Aubuisson and civilian supporters carried out a public crusade denouncing advocates of reform as Communists, with the country getting closer to civil war.


Author(s):  
ILHAN NIAZ

AbstractThe present paper examines the growth of corruption in Pakistan in the 1960s and 1970s with particular emphasis on the factors that influenced changes in the behavioural norms of the officer cadres or higher bureaucracy of Pakistan. The main argument is that during the 1960s increases in development spending and the manipulation of local governments by civil servants to help the Ayub Khan military regime secure legitimacy led to a substantial increase in the level of corruption. However, while the increase was alarming, the higher bureaucracy was still fairly clean and, given leadership, training and resources, in a position to contain the spread of corruption. In the 1970s the first Pakistan People's Party government enacted a number of reforms aimed at asserting political control over the civilian bureaucracy while pursuing a socialistic development model that justified nationalisation of industrial and commercial assets. These substantially undermined the ability of the higher bureaucracy to fight back against corruption while dramatically increasing state penetration of society and the economy, thus making opportunities for corruption more abundant. After General Zia-ul Haq's military coup in July 1977, the new regime, though it received plenty of good advice, was not interested in enhancing the autonomy and prestige of the services as that would diminish Zia's personal power over the state apparatus.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-183
Author(s):  
Patrícia Sequeira Brás

Directed by Brazilian filmmaker Lúcia Murat, Que bom te ver viva [How nice to see you alive] (1989) interlaces the testimonies of eight female political prisoners with a monologue voiced by an anonymous female fictional character. All allude to the experience of torture under the military dictatorial regime in Brazil. Given that Murat was a militant student imprisoned and tortured during the dictatorship, the film appears to have an autobiographical motivation. I argue, however, that the interlacing of fictional monologue and ‘real’ testimonies effaces this motivation. Rather, the intersection between fictional and testimonial accounts offers a reciprocal recognition between interviewees and filmmaker, allowing for the inscription of these individual stories into the historical narrative. I also argue that this reciprocal recognition is anchored in the feminist practice of storytelling, practised in consciousness-raising feminist groups in the 1960s and 1970s. Adriana Cavarero’s philosophy of narration underpins my analysis.


Author(s):  
Raid Khan ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Asif Salim

The Arab Spring was assumed to reform the prevailing regime pattern and to bring socio-economic reforms. However, it failed to get its intended outcomes at large. The objectives of the revolution that are to bring a positive transformation in the social, economic, and political domains were not attained effectively and was considered a failed revolution in the case of Egypt and Syria. The present paper focuses on exploring the reasons and factors behind its failure in the particular context of Egypt and Syria. Although Egypt observed regime transition from dictatorship to democracy, yet within one and a half year, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Mohammad Morsi, and the military regime was reinstalled. In the case of Syria, since 2011, a civil war is going on where Bashar-ul-Asad still holds dictatorial powers. The study reveals that the lack of stable political institutions, weak democratic norms, and the absence of a vibrant civil society paved the way for state authorities to rule out the attempts of protestors. Excluding a few of the countries, the rest of the Middle Eastern countries are still ruled by the powerful elites. The successes of the Arab Spring are still to be awaited.


Author(s):  
Jean-Baptiste R.G. Souppez ◽  
Ermina Begovic ◽  
Pradeep Sensharma ◽  
Fuhua Wang ◽  
Anders Rosén

The rules and regulations inherent to the design pressures and scantlings of high-speed powercrafts are numerous, and regularly reviewed. Recently, the new ISO 12215-5:2019 made notable changes to the way high-speed crafts are analysed, including extending the acceleration experienced up to 8 g in certain circumstances. Nevertheless, despite the multiple iterations and variety of regulatory bodies, the seminal work undertaken on planing crafts throughout the 1960s and 1970s remains the foundation of any rule-based design requirement. Consequently, this paper investigates an array of recently published rules though a comparative design case study, the current state-of-the-art across a number of regulations, and the ultimate impact on scantlings. The study reveals that, despite divergence in intermediate calculations and assumptions, similar requirements are ultimately achieved. Eventually, discussion on the comparison undertaken and future trends in high-speed marine vehicles is provided, tackling the relevance of classical planing theory in light of contemporary innovations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-438
Author(s):  
Karina Maldonado-Mariscal

Social innovations and changes in educational systems are the cornerstones for success of emerging countries. Current developments in Brazil and heterogeneity of society make the country a perfect candidate to investigate these topics. Drawing on historical analysis and content analysis, the author builds a model that recognizes patterns of social change. This model enables to analyze social change through the interaction of radical changes, innovations, social movements, and reforms. This model is applied to two periods in Brazil, where social movements, like the revolution in the 1930s and the military coup in the 1960s, triggered a series of social changes. The findings of this study suggest that social change is a cyclical process where social innovations and educational change are involved. These findings have significant implications for our understanding of current changes in the Brazilian society and provide a key instrument for analyzing social change in other societies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 156 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-141
Author(s):  
Catharine Lumby

This article uses Frank Moorhouse as a study of the formation of a public intellectual in the 1960s and 1970s. Moorhouse was a key figure in the Sydney Push, a loose Libertarian-anarchist network of artists, writers, intellectuals and party people who rejected the dominant moral values of the 1950s and 1960s. A journalist, Moorhouse later became a well-known fiction writer who was part of a similarly bohemian and activist milieu centred in Sydney's Balmain. Taking Frank Moorhouse as a case study, I will argue that there is something particular about the way public intellectuals have historically been formed and given voice in Australian life, which is characterised by a permeability between art and writing practices and between academic and activist milieux.


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