‘Hantu’ and Highway: Transport in Sabah 1881–1963

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amarjit Kaur

Sabah (previously known as British North Borneo) occupies the whole of the northern portion of the island of Borneo, covering an area of 76, 115 square kilometres. Its immediate neighbours are Brunei, Sarawak and Kalimantan (Indonesian Borneo). From 1882 to 1942, Sabah was administered by the British North Borneo (Chartered) Company. The territory possessed three main attractions: its timber, its reputed minerals and its land. Timber has now grown to be amajor export commodity, second only to petroleum. With the exception of deposits of coal and some gold, economic resources of other sought-after minerals were not proven during the period. The land proved to be the most valuable asset. Many crops were experimented with: tobacco, sugar cane, coffee, coconuts and rubber and they laid the basis for the economic development of the territory. The expansion of these crops was largely assisted by the introduction of a modern transport system which supplemented the original means of communication, the rivers. The railway in particular provided the impetus for the rubber boom on the west coast. In turn, this resulted in the emergence of an export-oriented economy, specializing in rubber, timber, copra and tobacco. From 1942, Sabah was occupied by the Japanese until its liberation in 1945. After a brief period under military administration, it became a British Colony in 1946. Under colonial rule from 1946 to 1963 the previous pattern of economic exploitation continued.

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-293
Author(s):  
Shigeru Akita

Abstract The traditional and orthodox interpretation of the British Raj (colonial rule in India) characterizes it in terms of the economic exploitation of India. However, recent historical studies have focused on the revival or development of the Indian cotton industry at the turn of the twentieth century. This article pays special attention to the rapid development of the Indian cotton-spinning industry as an export industry for the Chinese market and its implications for intra-Asian competition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Abd Hadi Borham ◽  
Wahyu Hidayat Abdullah ◽  
Mohamad Marzuqi Abdul Rahim

Da’ie is an important group in the spreading of Islam during the period of sultanate of Brunei and Sulu before British Colony Era. The domination of sultanates has given a positive impact to the spread of da’wah in Sabah (known as North Borneo). The da’i have succeeded to bring a harmonious spiritual need among the locals in Sabah. Islamisation has encouraged comprehensive way of life from legal, economy and politic aspects. This dynamic nature is shown through the effort of Islamisation. It can be seen with the acceptance of Islam from the local community of Sabah (North Borneo); who lived in east coast through the influence of Sultanate of Sulu and flourishing in the west coast of Sabah through the Sultanate of Brunei. Therefore, this study aims to identify the da’wah methods that are a factor to Islamization in Sabah. The design of this study is a literature review with using content analysis of the materials on the study topic. The findings show that there are five methods of da'wah that were highlighted in Islamization in Sabah before the British era. It is an adaptation of the preacher to local life, approaching the ruling class, through marriage and through trade activities, and the factor of the superiority of the sufi preachers.


Author(s):  
Gerard Sasges

Rather than serve as the foundation for the territorially sovereign state, the alcohol regime undermined and then redrew many of Indochina’s administrative boundaries. The most obvious example is the alcohol Régie of Tonkin and Northern Annam, which reconfigured one of Indochina’s basic administrative boundaries, that of its five consitutent “countries” (pays). More remarkable is the way much of Indochina remained outside the reach of the alcohol economies. In broad expanses of Tonkin, Annam, Cochinchina, Cambodia and Laos, interactions of geography, history, and people limited the penetration both of the SFDIC’s alcohol and of state systems of control. The result was three distinct political-industrial economies: one a reconfigured Tonkin, another a reconfigured Cochinchina, and a third “near beyond” subject to very different and more flexible regimes of economic exploitation and State control. These regimes generated very different experiences of colonial rule, economic development, and state-building, with important implications for the post-colonial states to come.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
Leonid Fituni

December 14, 1960 marks the 60th anniversary of the adoption on the initiative of the USSR of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples by the XV Session of the UN General Assembly (GA). The author analyzes the significance of this act for the subsequent process of liberation of peoples from colonial rule from the perspective of the historical developments of the next six decades. The author comes up with a new interpretation of the diplomatic tactics chosen by the Soviet Union at the UN as well as in the confronting imperialist countries elsewhere on the timing of granting independence, ensuring the territorial integrity of the emerging young states, the presence of foreign bases and zones of extraterritorial jurisdiction on their land. The article provides a comparative analysis of the texts of the declaration proposed for consideration by the GA by the Soviet Union and the adopted version of the Declaration of the UN GA Resolution 1415 (XV). The author analyzes the situation in the world after the dismemberment of the USSR, from the perspective of the degree of completion of the decolonization process. He comes to the conclusion that in place of traditional colonialism, a project of a new global coloniality is being introduced, which preserves the fundamental and essential characteristics of actual colonial rule: external dependence and economic exploitation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212110246
Author(s):  
Walid Habbas ◽  
Yael Berda

This article delves into the everyday dynamics of colonial rule to outline a novel way of understanding colonized–colonizer interactions. It conceives colonial management as a social field in which both the colonized and colonizers negotiate and exchange resources, despite their decidedly unequal positions within a racial hierarchy. Drawing their example from the West Bank, the authors argue that a Palestinian economic elite has proactively participated in the co-production of the colonial management of spatial mobility, a central component of Israeli colonial rule. The study employs interviews and document analysis to investigate how the nexus between Palestine’s commercial-logistical needs and Israel’s security complex induced large-scale Palestinian producers to exert agency and reorder commercial mobility. The authors describe and explain the evolution of a ‘Door-to-Door’ logistical arrangement, in which large-scale Palestinian traders participate in extending Israeli’s system of spatial control in exchange for facilitating logistical mobility. This horizontal social encounter that entails pay-offs is conditioned, but not fully determined, by vertical relations of domination and subordination.


Author(s):  
Somdeep Sen

This book rejects the notion that liberation from colonialization exists as a singular moment in history when the colonizer is ousted by the colonized. Instead, it considers the case of the Palestinian struggle for liberation from its settler colonial condition as a complex psychological and empirical mix of the colonial and the postcolonial. Specifically, the book examines the two seemingly contradictory, yet coexistent, anticolonial and postcolonial modes of politics adopted by Hamas following the organization's unexpected victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election. Despite the expectations of experts, Hamas has persisted as both an armed resistance to Israeli settler colonial rule and as a governing body. Based on ethnographic material collected in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Israel, and Egypt, the book argues that the puzzle Hamas presents is not rooted in predicting the timing or process of its abandonment of either role. The challenge instead lies in explaining how and why it maintains both, and what this implies for the study of liberation movements and postcolonial studies more generally.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Wiebrecht

The freedom of press is one aspect that leaders from the West often criticise about China. As former British colony, Hong Kong has been able to preserve its special status with constitutional rights and liberties that also include the freedom of press. However, in recent years, sentiments of increased influence from Beijing have led to fears that it would curb the freedoms enjoyed by residents of the Special Administrative Region. However, instead of clear unambiguous interferences, Beijing has opted for an indirect approach that is predominantly characterised by the salience of economic considerations in reporting news binding the media outlets closer to the position of Beijing. This article shows that the South China Morning Post has undergone an editorial shift that moves it closer to the position of the Chinese government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-218
Author(s):  
Alicja Olejnik ◽  
Agata Żółtaszek

Abstract Diseases of affluence (of the 21st c.) by definition should have higher prevalence and/or mortality rates in richer and more developed countries than in poorer, underdeveloped states (where diseases of poverty are more common). Therefore, it has been indicated that it is civilizational progress that makes us sick. On the other hand, substantial financial resources, highly qualified medical personnel, and the cutting-edge technology of richer states, should allow for effective preventions, diagnostics, and treatment of diseases of poverty and of affluence. Therefore, a dilemma arises: is progress making us sick or curing us? To evaluate the influence of country socioeconomic and technological development on population health, a spatial analysis of the epidemiology of diseases of affluence and distribution of economic resources for European NUTS 2 has been performed. The main aim of this paper is to assess, how regional diversity in the prevalence of diseases of affluence is related to the regional development of regions.


1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 64-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Roy

The years since the Oslo agreement have seen a marked deterioration in Palestinian economic life and an accelerated de-development process. The key features of this process have been heightened by the effects of closure, the defining economic feature of the post-Oslo period. Among its results are enclavization, seen in the physical separation of the West Bank and Gaza; the weakening of economic relations between the Palestinian and Israeli economies; and growing divisions within the Palestinian labor market, with the related, emerging pattern of economic autarky. In the circumstances described, the prospects for sustained economic development are nonexistent and will remain so as long as closure continues.


Antiquity ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 29 (114) ◽  
pp. 77-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Jackson

The archaeological background of the people of what is now Scotland south of the Forth and Clyde in the Roman period was a La Téne one, and specifically chiefly Iron Age B. This links them intimately with the Britons of southern Britain in the conglomeration of Celtic tribes who called themselves Brittones and spoke what we call the Brittonic or Ancient British form of Celtic, from which are descended the three modern languages of Welsh, Cornish and Breton. To the north of the Forth was a different people, the Picts. They too were Celts or partly Celts; probably not Brittones however, but a different branch of the Celtic race, though more closely related to the Brittones than to the Goidels of Ireland and (in later times) of the west of Scotland. Not being Brittonic, the Picts may be ignored here. Our southern Scottish Brittones are nothing but the northern portion of a common Brittonic population, from the southern portion of which come the people of Wales and Cornwall. Some historians speak of the northern Brittones as Welsh, following good Anglo-Saxon precedent, but this is apt to lead to confusion. The best term for them, in the Dark Ages and early Medieval period, as long as they survived, is ‘Cumbrians’, and for their language, ‘Cumbric’. They called themselves in Latin Cumbri and Cumbrenses, which is a Latinization of the native word Cymry, meaning ‘fellow-countrymen’, which both they and the Welsh used of themselves in common, and is still the Welsh name for the Welsh to the present day. The centre of their power was Strathclyde, the Clyde valley, with their capital at Dumbarton.


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