Early Euboean Pottery and History

1957 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Boardman
Keyword(s):  
Major Part ◽  
British Museum ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
National Museum ◽  
Greek Language ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
The North ◽  
Syrian Coast ◽  
Greek World

This paper is divided into three sections. In the first a group of pottery fragments from Chalcis serves as an introduction to a study of early Euboean pottery, and of its appearance and imitation in other parts of the Greek world. In the second some archaic and black-figured vases are published as addenda to my article on ‘Pottery from Eretria’ in BSA xlvii. 1–48, plates 1–14. This I refer to here simply as Eretria. Finally some historical considerations are prompted by the archaeological evidence reviewed. Briefly they involve the following theses: that Strabo's ‘Old Eretria’ may lie at or near Amarynthos at the distance from Eretria that Strabo indicated; that Euboeans played a major part in the foundation of Al Mina (Posideion) on the North Syrian coast in the early eighth century B.C.; that they may be largely responsible for the adoption of the Semitic alphabetic characters for the Greek language; and that Eretria was the ultimate victor in the ‘Lelantine War’.Mme Semni Karouzou has with customary generosity granted me permission to publish several vases in the National Museum, Athens. Other pieces in the Louvre, the British Museum, and the Ashmolean Museum are illustrated by permission of the authorities of those museums. Mrs. A. D. Ure has been particularly helpful in the study of the black-figured vases and is herself preparing a study of a series closely related to the Euboean vases which are discussed here.

The Palaeolithic Sequence at Iver, Bucks. With an Appendix on the Geology

1936 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 420-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. D. Lacaille ◽  
K. P. Oakley
Keyword(s):  
British Museum ◽  
Stone Age ◽  
The West ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
South West ◽  
Learned Societies ◽  
Line Passing

References to palaeolithic implements from the Pleistocene deposits in the Buckinghamshire parish of Iver have appeared from time to time in the Proceedings of learned societies. The British Museum Guide to Antiquities of the Stone Age, 1926, p. 46, mentions artifacts from this district, where palaeoliths have been collected for nearly half a century, but a general summary has not been made showing the sequence of cultures and the significance of the relics from the local deposits. The author has had the commercial workings in the Iver gravels under observation for a number of years, and thinks that the archaeological evidence, now made available as a result of continuous supervision, may perhaps assist in the revision of published material.The area under review measures almost two miles from east to west and a mile and a half from north to south (map, fig. 1). It may be taken as bounded on the east by the Colne Brook, one of the branches of the River Colne, and on the west by a line passing through Parsonage Farm south-west of Shreding Green, which stands, like the eastern end of Iver village in the north-east corner of the rectangle, at an altitude of 120 ft.

The Greek Trade at Al Mina: A Footnote to Oriental History

1942 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Smith
Keyword(s):  
Special Kind ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
The North ◽  
Oriental Institute ◽  
Aegean Islands ◽  
New Knowledge ◽  
Greek Vases ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Syrian Coast

The excavation conducted by Sir Leonard Woolley in 1936 and 1937 at the site near al Mina, at the mouth of the Orontes, produced material of interest not only for archaeological study but also for Oriental history. The eighth to the fourth centuries of the pre-Christian era, to which the material remains belong, are also represented at other sites in Syria and Palestine that have been excavated by scientific expeditions. But the Phoenician cities, Byblos and Sidon, the north Syrian cities, Carchemish and Sinčirli, the sites on the plain of Aleppo reported on by the Syrian expedition of the Oriental Institute of Chicago, and Palestinian sites, have not yielded the same material of one special kind as al Mina, or only stray examples of it. There Cycladic and proto-Corinthian sherds and later developments of early Greek vases show conclusively that there was trade between the little Syrian port on the one side and the Aegean islands and the Greek mainland on the other, between the beginning of the eighth century and the end of the seventh. Similarly Attic pottery and coins are a proof of the encouragement given to Athenian trade at the same port from the time of Darius I to that of Artaxerxes III. In this respect new knowledge is to be gained from the finds at al Mina as to the history of the north Syrian coast during five centuries. The conclusions that may be drawn form an interesting footnote to what is known, and to some of the assumptions, about general Oriental history.

Environmental impact of nutrients from nordic fish farming

1995 ◽  
Vol 31 (10) ◽  
pp. 61-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Enell
Keyword(s):  
Major Part ◽  
Fish Farming ◽  
Fish Farms ◽  
Feed Composition ◽  
The North ◽  
Comprehensive Development ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
Inland Water Bodies ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Feed Coefficient

During the last 20 years there has been an interesting development of the Nordic fish farming, with regard to the feeding and farming technology and to the increase in production quantities. During the period 1974-1994 the production increased from 15,800 to about 250,000 tonnes/year. In 1974 the major part of the production was in Denmark, and in 1994 the major part was in Norway. The nutrient impact of fish farming on surrounding sea areas is mainly a function of the feed coefficient, the feed composition and metabolic processes in the fish. The comprehensive development of the feed composition and the feeding technology has resulted in reduced load of unmetabolized nutrients from fish farms, calculated per tonne fish produced. In 1974 the mean Nordic feed coefficient was 2.08 and in 1994 the coefficient was 1.25. Feed coefficients of 1.0-1.1 are now reported for Danish and Norwegian freshwater and marine fish farms. The nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) content of the feed has decreased, in addition the quality of the nutrient substances in the feed has changed, especially for N. The N content has decreased from 7.8 to 6.8% during the period 1974-1994 and the content of P has decreased from 1.7 to 0.7% during the same period. This development of the feed coefficient and the feed composition has resulted in a present load from a typical Nordic fish farm of 55 kg N and 4.8 kg P/t fish produced. The figures for 1974 were 132 kg N and 31 kg P/t fish produced. The Nordic fish farming production in 1994 resulted in a load of about 13,750 t N and about 1,200 t P on the actual recipients. The load from the Swedish, Finnish and Danish fish farming operations, with the Baltic Sea and the Skagerrak as the recipients, is negligible in comparison with other pollution sources. The quantities of N and P from the fish farming are equal to 0.5% of the atmospheric deposition on the sea surface and 3% of the atmospheric P load. Norwegian, Icelandic and the Faroe Islands fish farming operations are using the North Sea and the Norwegian Sea as the recipients. However, the nutrient load from single fish farms in certain coastal and inland water bodies can be significant and must be considered in the impact assessment together with other sources.

4 The Tyara Site

1968 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 44-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E. Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Sandy Beach ◽  
North Coast ◽  
National Museum ◽  
The West ◽  
Rock Outcrops ◽  
Small Boat ◽  
The North

The Tyara site, KkFb-7 in the National Museum catalogue and site file, faces the north coast of the Ungava mainland and rests on the west shore of Sugluk Island (Fig. 1). That island stands about five hundred yards from the mainland and from Sugluk Inlet, one of the few good harbors on that coast. This handsome little island, about one and one-half miles long and as wide, consists of rounded, rugged, hardrock hills that shelter well-vegetated, generally flat-floored valleys. The valleys often contain marshy patches. The shore, of variable incline, is quite jagged, a result of abrupt rock outcrops projecting seaward from brief stretches of sandy beach. The shore facing the mainland is, therefore, quite convenient for small boat use. Dark grey gneisses seem to predominate, although they are often cut by dykes and veins of lighter material, notably quartz. The dense, green valley and hillside vegetation includes willows, mosses, grasses, lichens, and a pleasant profusion of arctic wild flowers (Polunin 1948, Pt. III). I was told at Sugluk that at the head of the inlet, willows, growing in protected situations, reach the thickness of a man's wrist.

Alexander and the Mongols

1979 ◽  
Vol 111 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Andrew Boyle
Keyword(s):  
Eighth Century ◽  
Alexander The Great ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Four Corners ◽  
Book Of Genesis ◽  
First Time

The association of Alexander the Great with the Mongols begins with the identification of the latter with the peoples of Gog and Magog. The evolution of this legend, which has its origin in the Book of Genesis, is curious in the extreme. In Genesis Magog is mentioned as one of the sons of Japhet, his name occurring between those of Gomer and Madai. Since Madai is clearly intended as the eponym of the Medes and Gomer has been located in Cappadocia and Phrygia it has been plausibly suggested that Magog at this stage corresponded to the territory in between, i.e. the region immediately south of the Caucasus in Eastern and Northern Armenia. In Ezekiel we hear for the first time of Gog “of the land of Magog”, who will come from his place out of the uttermost parts of the north, he and many peoples with him, “all of them riding on horses, a great company and a mighty army.” It will be seen that the “land of Magog” can no longer be located south of the Caucasus, and indeed Ezekiel's prophecy of the invasion of Gog has been interpreted as an echo of the invasions of the Cimmerians, who came southwards from the steppes through the Darial pass towards the end of the eighth century B.C.; or more probably of the invasion of the Scythians which took place in the following century by way of Darband. Finally we are told in Revelation that “when the thousand years are finished, Satan shall be loosed out of his prison, and shall come forth to deceive the nations which are in the four corners of the earth, Gog and Magog, to gather them together to the war; the number of whom is as the sand of the sea”.

A SYNOPSIS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN SPECIES OF SYNDIPNUS (HYMEN., ICHNEUMONIDAE)

1940 ◽  
Vol 72 (7) ◽  
pp. 135-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Stuart Walley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North American ◽  
The United States ◽  
North American Species ◽  
National Museum ◽  
United States National Museum ◽  
The North

As noted below the two North American species described in Syndipnus by workers appear to belong in other genrra. In Europe the gunus is represented by nearly a score of species and has been reviewed in recent years by two writers (1, 2). North American collections contain very few representatives of the genus; after combining the material in the National Collection with that from the United States National Museum, the latter kindly loaned to me by Mr. R. A. Cushman, only thirty-seven specimens are available for study.

HERODOTUS BECOMES INTERESTED IN HISTORY

2014 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
David Harvey
Keyword(s):  
Major Part ◽  
The Real ◽  
Final Draft ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Temple ◽  
Greek World ◽  
The Way

At 3.60 Herodotus tells us that he has dwelt at length on the Samians because ‘they are responsible for three of the greatest buildings in the Greek world’: the tunnel of Eupalinos, the great temple, and the breakwater that protects their harbour. As successive commentators have pointed out, that is not the real reason for the length of his account. We hear about the tunnel for the first time in this chapter (60.1–3); Maiandrios escapes down a secret channel at 146.2, which may or may not be Eupalinos' tunnel; we hear about the temple of Artemis, not of Hera, at Samos in 48; dedications in the temple of Hera are mentioned in passing at 1.70.3, 3.123.1, 4.88.1, and 4.152.4, but the temple itself cannot be said to play a major part in Herodotus' narrative; naval expeditions sail from Samos (e.g. 44.2, 59.4) but there is no emphasis on the harbour or its breakwater. What Herodotus should have said is ‘I have dwelt at length on Samos, because I am interested in the island's history; and, by the way, they are responsible for three…’; but it is not our job to tell him what he ‘should’ have said. As David Asheri remarks, ‘We can explain it [the length of the Samian logos] most simply by supposing that the logos already existed before the final draft of the book’.

A gold diadem from Aegina

1987 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 182-182
Author(s):  
Reynold Higgins
Keyword(s):  
Bronze Age ◽  
British Museum ◽  
The South ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Middle Helladic ◽  
Dead Man ◽  
The Bronze Age ◽  
Grave Goods

A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.

III.—A Portable Dial in the form of a book, with Figures derived from Raymond Lul

Archaeologia ◽  
1925 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 89-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. M. Dalton
Keyword(s):  
British Museum ◽  
Society Of Jesus ◽  
The North ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Lower Cover ◽  
Made In

The dial forming the subject of this paper, acquired by the British Museum in 1923, is of gilt copper, made in the form of a book, along the edges of which are inscribed in capitals the words: Lucerna instrumentalis | intellectus directiva | sive instrumentum sciendi. The dial-plate which is fixed in the interior has a compass and two very short gnomons. It is for use in the latitudes of 42 and 45, and would serve for Rome and one of the large towns in the North Italian plain, perhaps Milan or Venice. It was made at Rome in the year 1593, as shown by the inscription on the dial-plate. On the cover is a shield of arms, barry, and in chief the letters I H S surmounted by a cross, a feature perhaps indicating that the owner was a member of the Society of Jesus; a fuller device, in which the three nails of the Passion are seen below the sacred monogram and cross, occupies the centre of the figure on the outside of the lower cover. The identification of the arms presents difficulties. They might be those of the Caraffa (gules, three bars argent), a member of which family, Vincenzio Caraffa, was general of the Jesuits in 1645.

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