A REPUBLICAN DILEMMA: CITY OR STATE? OR, THE CONCRETE REVOLUTION REVISITED

2017 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 71-107
Author(s):  
Penelope J.E. Davies

In a well-known passage, the Greek historian Polybius, writing in the mid-second century BC, attributes Rome's success as a republic to a perfect balance of power between its constituent elements, army, senate and people (Histories6.11); and indeed, the Republic's long survival was an achievement worth explaining. On another note, over a century later, Livy remarked how Republican Rome, with its rambling street plan and miscellany of buildings, compared unfavourably with the magnificent royal cities of the eastern Mediterranean; he put this down to hasty rebuilding after a great Gallic conflagration around 390 BC. Few scholars now accept his explanation. A handful of scholars argue for underlying rationales, usually when setting up the early city as a foil for its transformation under Augustus and subsequent emperors, and their conclusions tend towards characterizing the city's design as an unintended corollary to the annual turnover of magistrates. This article, likewise, argues for the role of government in the city's appearance; but it contends that the state of Republican urbanism was deliberate. A response, of sorts, to both ancient authors' observations, it addresses how provisions to ensure equilibrium in one of the Republic's components, the senatorial class, in the interests of preserving the res publica, came at a vital cost to the city's architectural evolution. These provisions took the form of intentional constraints (on time and money), to prevent élite Romans from building like, and thus presenting themselves as, Mediterranean monarchs. Painting with a broad chronological stroke, it traces the tension between the Roman Republic in its ideal state and the physical city, exploring the strategies élite Romans developed to work within the constraints. Only when unforeseen factors weakened the state's power to self-regulate could the built city flourish and, in doing so, further diminish the state. Many of these factors — such as increased wealth in the second century and the first-century preponderance of special commands — are known; to these, this article argues, should be added the development of concrete.

Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 526-556
Author(s):  
Diogo Palheta Nery

In the beginning of the twenty-first century, C. K. Prahalad launched a new business proposition named as “Base of the Pyramid” (BOP). In such type of business, Multinational Companies (MNCs) look for new opportunities of profits helping to meet the poor’s unmet needs in developing countries. However, MNCs significant involvement in BOP business has been losing momentum due to the challenges MNCs have been faced in developing BOP businesses. This study intended to recall Prahalad’s original BOP proposal explaining the success of a BOP innovation developed by an MNC in Kenya: M-PESA, a mobile money service. About 70% of Kenya’s adult population has M-PESA accounts and M-PESA’s monthly transactions account for 30% of Kenyan GDP. How did a multinational company develop the successful BOP innovation M-PESA in Kenya? Our study intends to explain how the British multinational Vodafone employed successful Base of the Pyramid principles of innovation in Kenyan M-PESA. Indeed, there is a gap of studies about the Prahalad’s principles of innovation for developing BOP products. Therefore, this research analyzed Prahalad’s BOP proposal, including his twelve principles of innovation to develop BOP products, by comparing such proposal with Karnani’s framework for fighting poverty. Karnani is regarded as the main critic against the Prahalad’s BOP proposal. Most of Prahalad’s BOP principles of innovation were identified in M-PESA in Kenya (eleven out of the twelve principles). However, Karnani’s framework explained better the factors that influenced successful BOP innovation in Kenyan M-PESA than Prahalad’s proposal. Furthermore, this study pointed out two key points that explained the success of M-PESA innovation in Kenya that they were not included neither in Prahalad’s nor in Karnani’s proposals: social intrapreneurship made by MNCs employees, and supportive role of government in developing BOP businesses. Therefore, such topics deserve more attention from the BOP literature in order to advance this field.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-28
Author(s):  
Tatar Bonar Silitonga

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh globalisasi, peran negara, dan implikasinya terhadap aktualisasi nilai-nilai ideologi negara bagi Warga Negara Indonesia. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam menjawab permasalahan adalah dengan studi literatur, observasi, dan wawancara.  Dari hasil data ditemukan bahwa terdapat nilai-nilai globalisasi yang mempengaruhi pola pikir, sikap, dan perilaku sebagian warga negara yang didukung dengan konsistensi, ketegasan, dan penguatan peran pemerintah dalam merawat nilai-nilai kebersamaan. Selain itu juga berimplikasi untuk meredam eskalasi dan kegiatan yang menjurus pada perilaku yang menonjolkan sentiment primordial serta berimplikasi memantapkan persepsi warga negara tentang pentingnya ideologi negara, walaupun tidak langsung mengakselerasi masyarakat mengaktualisasikan nilai-nilai ideology negara secara signifikan.-----This article aims to analyze the effect of globalization, the role of the state, and its implications for the actualization of state ideology values for Indonesian citizens. The approach used in answering problems is through literature study, observation, and interview. From the results of the data, it found that there are values of globalization that affect the mindset, attitudes, and behavior of some citizens supported by consistency, decisiveness, and strengthening the role of government in caring for the values of togetherness. It also has implications to reduce escalation and activities that lead to behaviors that highlight primordial sentiments and has implications for strengthening citizens' perceptions about the importance of state ideology. However, it does not directly accelerate the community to actualize state ideology values significantly.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 201-208
Author(s):  
Conor McCarthy

The Conclusion restates the book’s four key arguments. Firstly, legal exclusion in various related forms is a tactic of power. Secondly, legal exclusion is an enduring phenomenon, alive and well in disturbing new combinations in the twentieth and twenty-first century West. Thirdly, exclusion from law is a shared concern for the literature of outlawry and the literature of espionage, and hence a key theme in a range of writings about the state and its actions from the Middle Ages to the present day. Finally, the role of literature here is often to offer critique: in offering such critique it shares with law a demand for justice.


Author(s):  
Bakry Elmedni

Applying market rationale to public decision making has been in the center of the debates in both political and academic circles. Theoretically, these debates center on the role of government in society and how that role should be played. This chapters shows that applying market rationality to public decision making is problematic for three reasons. First, in reality, neither market nor individuals can be rational as envisioned in neoclassic economics. Second, public organizations pursue broad social goals that are often not measurable by market indicators. Third, the context within which public decisions are made is governed by legal and constitutional mandates that do not always suit market rationale, i.e. utility maximizations. Notwithstanding this, public choice theory can provide public organizations with alternative methods for maximizing social benefits. In doing so, public organizations have been adopting market-based standards as a method to promote performance and manage for results.


Author(s):  
Mika S. Pajunen

Das Lob Gottes wurde schon immer als wichtigstes Element des liturgischen Lebens am 2. Tempel verstanden. Formkritiker haben dieses Moment der liturgischen Praxis vor allem durch die Analyse der Psalmen nachgezeichnet. Demgegenüber erscheint die Rolle der Klage zumindest in der späten Phase des 2. Temepls randständig. Allerdings fehlt ein Bindeglied zwischen der hellenistischen Phase der Liturgie und dem Lob in den Qumran Texten des 1 Jh. v. Chr. Der Blick auf das Motiv der Schöpfung erschließt dieses Bindeglied und erklärt zugleich, warum das Lob als Verpflichtung Gott gegenüber verstanden wurde.Praise of God has always been understood by scholars as a primary element of the liturgical life of the Second Temple period. Form-critics have situated the praises of God in the liturgical practice of the period most of all by analyzing the Psalms now in the MT Psalter. However, at least in the late Second Temple period the role of laments seems to be marginal. Thus far a link has been missing in scholarship between this centrality of praise perceivable in the liturgical practice of the Hellenistic period and the all-encompassing nature of praise in the texts of the Qumran movement from the first century BCE. This is a link that may in part explain why prayer, or during this time more properly praise, came to be seen in early Judaism as an obligation towards God. This question is explored by investigating how the Second Temple liturgy is in many texts from the second century BCE given an explicit basis in the creation, and how such traditions in turn served an important function in the composition of new liturgical texts.La louange de Dieu a toujours été comprise par les exégètes comme un élément essentiel de la vie liturgique de la période du Second Temple. A l’aide de la critique des formes, certains exégètes ont situé les louanges de Dieu dans la pratique liturgique de cette période, en analysant surtout les Psaumes actuellement présents dans le psautier du TM. Le rôle des lamentations, en revanche, semble marginal, au moins dans la période tardive du Second Temple. Jusqu’à présent la recherche n’a pas établi de lien entre la centralité de la louange perceptible dans la pratique liturgique de la période hellénistique et l’importancede la louange dans les textes qumrâniens du premier siècle av. J.-C. Ce lien pourrait expliquer, en partie, pourquoi la prière, ou à plus proprement parler la louange, a été de plus en plus perçue, durant cette période, comme une obligation envers Dieu dans le judaïsme primitif. Cette question est explorée à travers l’analyse de nombreux textes du deuxième siècle av. J.-C. qui montrent comment la liturgie du Second Temple a été basée explicitement sur la Création et comment de telles traditions ont occupé en retour une place importante dans la composition de nouveaux textes liturgiques.


Author(s):  
Mark Rush

This article discusses the evolution of U.S. civil rights and civil liberties through the lens of Supreme Court decisions. It traces the evolution of negative rights against the state and positive liberties from nineteenth-century property rights decisions through early-twenty-first century decisions regarding same-sex marriage. It also traces the shift in the Court’s approach to rights cases from one in which the state is regarded as a threat to individual rights to one in which the state plays a complex role of balancing rights claims. As well, the article demonstrates that rights claims and cases have become more complex as notions of the “public interest” become more contested when the pursuit of general interests has a disproportionate effect on the interests of particular social groups.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (S24) ◽  
pp. 213-241
Author(s):  
M. Erdem Kabadayi

AbstractIn most cases, and particularly in the cases of Greece and Turkey, political transformation from multinational empire to nation state has been experienced to a great extent in urban centres. In Ankara, Bursa, and Salonica, the cities selected for this article, the consequences of state-making were drastic for all their inhabitants; Ankara and Bursa had strong Greek communities, while in the 1840s Salonica was the Jewish metropolis of the eastern Mediterranean, with a lively Muslim community. However, by the 1940s, Ankara and Bursa had lost almost all their non-Muslim inhabitants and Salonica had lost almost all its Muslims. This article analyses the occupational structures of those three cities in the mid-nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, tracing the role of the state as an employer and the effects of radical political change on the city-level historical dynamics of labour relations.


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